• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.101-144
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• 2010

이 연구는 국회 원내 생산성의 평가 범주를 법안심사, 예 결산심사, 국정감사의 3개 범주로 나누고, 법안심사, 예 결산심사, 국정감사의 산출물을 국회의원에게 투입된 비용으로 나눈 결과를 역대 국회별 정부유형별로 비교하여 민주화 이후 국회생산성의 추이를 종합적으로 평가했다. 국회 원내 생산성을 측정해본 결과, 정부유형이 법안심사, 예 결산 심사, 국정감사 생산성에 영향을 미치고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 단점정부는 법안심사에서 대통령과 집권당에 우호적인 환경을 제공해 줌으로써 전체 법안 가결의 생산성이 높아진다. 그러나 예 결산 심사의 생산성은 정부예산의 수정률이 낮아짐으로써 생산성이 낮아지고, 국정감사 역시 행정부의 정책집행에 대한 지적사항을 반대당 지배 국회보다 적게 산출함으로써 생산성이 낮아진다. 반면 분점정부는 대통령과 집권당에게 비우호적인 입법 환경을 제공함으로서 법안심사의 생산성은 낮은 반면, 정부 예산안의 삭감비율이 높아지면서 예 결산 심사의 생산성은 높아지고, 국정감사에서 행정부에 대한 다수의 시정요구를 함으로써 국정감사의 생산성 역시 높아진다. 결국 생산성의 높고 낮음이 문제가 아니라 생산성의 내용이 중요하다. 생산성의 '절대값'보다 생산성의 내용과 성격에 대한 이해가 선행되어야 하는 이유가 여기에 있다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2009

This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.77-112
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• 2016

Given the few studies on the responsibilities of assembly, government, and president for social conflicts, this study analyzes the influence of conflict causes upon that responsibilities. First, the need for the mediation mechanisms for dealing with social conflicts and the level of labor-management conflict are positively associated with the responsibilities of assembly, government, and president. Second, the levels of conflict between social strata and ideological conflict are positively related with the responsibility of assembly or president. Third, interdependence and mutual understanding between stakeholder, among independent variables, are positively associated with the responsibilities of assembly and president. Finally, all of the levels of conflict types, except the level of ideological conflict, moderate the effects of conflict causes on the responsibilities of assembly, government, and president. These results reflect the importance of managerial and institutional approaches to the conflict resolution focused on conflict causes and types.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.177-207
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• 2009

This paper deals with the future role of Korean National Assembly in regulatory policy making, Implementation, and evaluation. For this purpose, the author developed the logic for NA's intervention to the regulatory policy making by the executive branch and presidency. Five models of regulatory initiative between National Assembly and the executive branch are also developed by the author. Lastly, new organizational alternatives for the National Assembly to initiate, to participate and to evaluate national regulatory reform policies.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.203-224
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• 2009

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the budget allocation of Busan-Gwangyang port and political variables such as general election, presidential election, local election and political regimes. To do this, this study did correlation analyses using budget data of all ports in Korea, Busan, and Gwangyang during 1985-2007. The main results of the correlation analyses are as follow: First, there was a positive correlation between budget of Busan and local election. Also, there was a positive correlation between budget of Gwangyang and presidential election. This results suggest that public choice model and political business cycle model seem to apply to the port development policy. Second, there was no correlation between the regionalism of the political regime and budget of Busan-Gwangyang ports. Third, it can be inferred that the national agenda of the hub strategy can be positively related to the implementation of port development budget. Further studies are needed to analyse the relationship between the political variables and establishment of port plan, decision making about port development and ground-breaking of port construction.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2017.11a
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• pp.515-534
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• 2017

본 연구는 Kingdon의 다중흐름모형(MSF: Multiple Stream Framework)을 통하여 정부연구개발예산 중 미래성장동력 부문에 대한 예산결정 과정을 살펴보았다. 연구 대상은 대통령 의지로 의제가 발기된 정책의제 국가전략프로젝트이며 비합리적 의사결정에 대한 견제수단으로 활용되는 예비타당성조사가 예산의 결정단계로 이어지는 일련의 과정을 살펴보았다. 연구의의는 3개 흐름에서 행해지는 비합리적 의사결정 케이스를 확인하고, 정부 R&D 사업의 예산결정과정에서 온-오프 스위치 역할을 하고 있는 게이트 키퍼(gate keeper)인 사업 평가자(PM), 구체적 사업계획안을 만드는 부처의 사업기획자, 그리고 자문역할을 하는 전문가집단을 정책혁신가로 바라볼 수 있다는 의의를 발견했다. 공공부문의 정책혁신가는 사업을 기획한 부처와 같이 자기(부처)이익을 추구하지는 않지만 공공가치를 추구하는 독립적인 위치에 있었고, 어느 일면에는 과학기술분야의 성장과 발전을 바라고 있었다. 다시 말해, 연구는 정책혁신가라는 존재가 특정한 개인 또는 집단일 뿐만 아니라 2개 집단 이상의 복수의 정책혁신가가 있을 수 있는 가능성을 확인하였다. 특히, 예비타당성조사에서 PM이 흐름 간의 중개를 상향적 직접적으로 수행하지 않지만, 하향적으로 사업기획자 등 주체들 간 의견을 조정하고 합의를 이끌어 내는 모습은 중요 활동을 하고 있음이 확인되었다. 연구는 정책혁신가의 새로운 형태를 발견하였지만, 정책결정의 전 주기가 아닌 정부예산 이후 국회예산이라는 특정 시기를 대상으로 하였는데, 분석 과정에서 예산과 시간의 제약으로 사업기획을 담당했던 부처 및 기재부공무원, 해당기술 분야 연구자, 국회 관계자 등 관련 주체들의 견해를 고루 담아내지 못한 아쉬움이 있다. 향후 다양한 참여자들의 의견을 수렴할 수 있다면 정책 결정 과정에 정책혁신가의 다층적(Multiple) 존재 여부와 특성을 면밀히 들여다 볼 수 있을 것이다.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-70
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• 2017

On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.1-27
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• 2014

This paper aims at exploring the multi-scalar processes through which the Gumi Industrial Complex was developed in the late 1960s and the early 1970s. Existing studies, influenced by the "Developmental State Thesis", tend to see the industrialization processes of South Korea either by focusing on the socio-politico-economic processes at the national scale or in terms of the plan rationality of the national bureaucrats. This paper, however, denies this perspective on the basis of the strategic relational approach to the state and the multi-scalar perspective. In particular, it argues that the state actions for national industrialization have been the outcome of complex interactions, conflicts and negotiations among social forces, acting in and through the state, and at diverse geographical scales. This paper attempts to empirically prove this argument on the basis of a case study on the construction processes of Gumi Industrial Complex. The development of Gumi Industrial Complex cannot be solely explained in terms of either the plan rationality of the national bureaucrats or the political motivation related to the fact that Gumi was the hometown of President Park Jung-Hee. This paper argues that the development of Gumi Industrial Complex was heavily influenced by the role of the following actors; place-dependent local actors in Gumi and the multi-scalar agents, such as the Korean-Japanese businessmen and the national parliament members elected in the Gumi electoral district.