• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.35
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• pp.153-193
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• 2017

This study explores the creation and enjoyment of Kuwoonmong (九雲夢) using a reference system called the cultural imagination, which is related to the Yin-Yang (陰陽) and Wu Xing (五行). When Kim Manjung wrote Guwoonmong, he may have composed figures and events based on this imagination. In particular, when he designed the eight seonnyeo (팔선녀), he set the order such as Gap (甲), Eul (乙), Byeong (병), Jeong (丁), etc. and characterized them according to the celestial stem (天干). Thus it was easy to avoid overlapping of characters and to construct various stories and relationships between them. The table below shows the characters of Kuwoonmong corresponding to the celestial stem. In not only the individual person but also the narrative world, Kuwoonmon demonstrates Yin-Yang and Wu Xing's imagination. In this respect, Kuwoonmon can be considered a large symbol encompassing the abstract theory of Yin-Yang and Wu Xing. Of course, the writer, Kim, Manjung would not have tried to symbolize the principle intentionally. However, he was also present in the environment of the cultural imagination that has been formed over the years. The same is true for the contemporary recipients of Guwunmong. They would have had a pleasant experience applying the cultural imagination and strengthening their familiar world view and human view.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.34
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• pp.115-147
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• 2017

This paper compared and reviewed the poetic theories and Chinese poems of the Korean author Kim Chang Heup and his Japanese counterpart, Kan Chazan. Kim Chang Heup and Kan Chazan shared largely the same opinions on poetry, and both rejected archaism. First, they did not just copy High Tang poetry. Instead, they focused on the (sometimes trivial) scenery right in front of them, and described the calm feelings evoked by what they had seen. They also adopted a sincere tone, instead of an exaggerated one, because both believed that poetry should be realistic. However the differences between the two poets are also noteworthy. Kim Chang Heup claimed that feelings and scenery meet each other within a literary work through Natural Law, and the linguistic expressions that mediate the two are philosophical in nature. However, Kan Chazan did not use Natural Law as a medium between feelings and scenery. Instead the Japanese writer said the ideal poetical composition comes from a close observation and detailed description of scenery. In sum, while Kim Chang Heup continued to express reason through scenery, Kan Chazan did not go further than depicting the scenery itself. In addition, Kim Chang Heup believed poetry was not only a representation of Natural Law, but also a high-level linguistic activity that conveys a poetic concern about national politics. As a sadaebu (scholar-gentry), he held literature in high esteem because he thought that literature could achieve important outcomes. On the other hand, Kan Chazan regarded it as a form of entertainment, thereby insisting literature had its own territory that is separate from that of philosophy or politics. In other words, whereas Kim Chang Heup considered literature as something close to a form of learning, Kan Chazan viewed it as art. One might wonder whether the poetics of Kim Chang Heup and Kan Chazan reflect their individual accomplishments, or if the characteristics of Chinese poetry that Korean and Japanese poets had long sought after had finally surfaced in these two writers. This paper argued that the two authors' poetics represent characteristics of Chinese poetry in Korea and Japan, or general characteristics of Korean and Japanese literatures in a wider sense. Their request to depict actual scenery in a unique way, free from the ideal model of literature, must have facilitated an outward materialization of Korean and Japanese literary characteristics that had developed over a long time.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.33
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• pp.153-184
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• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.39
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• pp.221-246
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• 2018

In this text, the author examines the aspects and characteristics of the three forms that were created and enjoyed when the upper-class nobles of Japan "combined(混淆)" waka(和歌) and Chinese poetry(漢詩) between the 10th and 17th centuries. The three forms are the "Collection of Japanese and Chinese poems for singing"(和漢朗詠), "A collection of Japanese and Chinese poems" (詩歌合), and the "Renku renga"(聯句連歌). "Collection of Japanese and Chinese poems for singing" appeared in the 10th century, "A collection of Japanese and Chinese poems" appeared in the 12th century, "Renku renga" appeared in the 14th century, and all three continued to influence the history of Japanese literature after that time. As the combination of literary Japanese and Chinese progressed, the gap between waka and Chinese poetry decreased until they finally combined to create a single work. That is, waka and Chinese poetry converged in one place in multiple ways: as a work that was appropriate to be recited("Collection of Japanese and Chinese poems for singing"), facing each other work against work in a competition("A collection of Japanese and Chinese poems"), and, in the end, they reached the point where they were interchangeable as lines making up long poems(長詩)("Renku renga"). The combination of literary Japanese and Chinese can be said to be the Japanese version of the common movement in East Asian literary history during the Middle Ages to make songs from one's own language flawless in Chinese poetry. Meanwhile, by examining the status changes that appeared as Chinese poetry paralleled, fought with, replaced, and combined with waka, we can find clues to explain the attitudes of the Japanese people on Chinese poetry during the period when the three forms existed, as well as the characteristics of Japanese Chinese poetry that appeared in response to that. The preferences not of "myself" but of the "audience," content and expressions that revere the period rather than the inner self of the poet, and the fact that it is a means for enjoyable pleasure rather than having the original characteristics of lyrical poetry for self-expression are all characteristics of Chinese poetry in Japan during the early and late Middle Ages period. These characteristics can be said to be the current that flows in the underbelly of the history of Chinese literature in Japan. This author believes that the key to discussing the history of Chinese literature in Japan during the Middle Ages period from the perspective of East Asian literary history can be found here.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.20
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• pp.141-171
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• 2004

Even though only 3 sijo are in high school textbook. through these 3 sijo each type can be understood in that each represents pyung sijo, sasul sijo, and present sijo. To learn with learner-centered activities, which aim for full knowledge acquisition regarding literary works, as the preparing stage, students can learn what theyll learn by teachers. Sijo are, so to speak, formed with three chapters, and stand for the world that is colorless, scentless, and flavorless. So, the theme can be found with ease. Compared with other genres, sijo can be formed creating background with ease. Moreover, sijo are not too long, so learners can paraphrase it. Sijo that express private experiences with the everyday language can be related to other genres or everyday language. So, sijo are last to present. In the teaching phase, on the gradation of concretion and gradation, writing or presentation activities are presented. After classroom, learners keep a reaction journal. In the phase of concretion and gradation, learners can apprehend that typical differences of the emotions of poetic speakers is from typical differences, even though emotions of poetic speakers of (1)$\cdot$(2)$\cdot$(3) that is each stand for pyung sijo, sasul sijo, and present sijo are roughly summarized loneliness, desolateness, and gloominess. Moreover, these typical differences are from social, political. and cultural settings, namely, the differences of contexts. In this teaching model. learners should prepare for content regarding context and text before the class. Teachers should act as an assistant to help learners pre-understand their subjective experiences and imaginations.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.331-357
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• 2014

This paper is to examine Okdong Lee Seo's historical view through analyzing Yeokdaega("歷代歌"), Okdong's full-length historical epic. As long as Okdong Lee Seo was a Confucian scholar holding moral cultivation as the highest value, his Yeokdaega is hard to explain separately from the Confucian world view. Okdong's Yeokdaega is a long old-style sino-korean poem consisting of 526 7-syllable verses, yet it considerably differs in structure from other historical epics known so far. Okdong's Yeokdaega consists of two parts: the first narrates Chinese historical facts from the beginning to the fall of Ming dynasty, and the second describes the social irrationality of the time and reveals his strong social criticism. It is very different from an ordinary historical epic piece narrating the orders and disorders and the rise and fall of historical facts. It is thought that Okdong's Yeokdaega was written based on his Confucian historical view. It seems that for Okdong the rise and fall of Chinese historical dynasties did not merely mean historical facts but functioned as a tool explaining the reason for people to persue moral cultivation. Okdong summed up his knowledge of the rise and fall of Chinese historical dynasties, his sharp criticism on social irrationality, and his stimulation about the necessity of moral cultivation, and then created a long 526-verse historical epic Yeokdaega. For the reasons, it is not easy to say that Okdong's Yeokdaega is the result of pure literary activities only for artistry. However, Okdong's Yeokdaega is not inferior to other historical epic pieces written by the time in literary value. Especially, Okdong's Yeokdaega can be said to be more meaningful since it was, over its literary value, not only a tool to strengthen his own study and will but also a educational tool for others around himself.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.55-88
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• 2013

Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu is one of the modern and contemporary Korean scholars of Sino-Korean literature and one of the literati of his era, so is respected as a guiding light by academic descendants. Gwonwu was a teacher of his era, who experienced all the turbulence of Korean society, such as the Japanese occupation by force, the Korean War, the military dictatorship, and the struggle for democracy, and who educated and led young scholars of his time. However, academia has not payed attention to his life and achievements since his death. This paper is to examine the poetry of Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu, one of the representative modern and contemporary scholar of Sini-Korean literature, which has not yet been discussed by academia. The minimal meaning of this paper is that it is a first work based on his anthology, which has not been discussed by academia, and a first full-scale study on Gwonwu Hongchan-yu. For the reason, this paper aims at the detailed inspection of his poetic pieces recorded in his anthology. Nonetheless, despite such intentions, some limits cannot be avoided here and there in this paper for the insufficient knowledge and academic capability of this paper's writer and for the lack of academic sources. Gwonwu's poetry examined through his anthology shows the characteristic which is that his poems focus on exposing his own internal emotions. Such a characteristic says that his idea of poetic literature payed attention more to individuality, that is exposition of private emotions, than to social utility of poems. Gwonwu's such an idea of poetic literature can be generally affirmed throughout his poetry. Accordingly, Gwonwu preferred classical Chinese poems to archaistic poems, and single poems to serial poems; and avoided writing poems within social relations such as farewell-poems, bestowal-poems, and mourning-poems. When the characteristics of Gwonwu's poetic literature get summarized as such, however, some questions remain. The preferential question is whether the poems in his anthology are the whole poetry of him. Although Gwonwu's poetic pieces that the writer of this paper have checked out till now are all in his anthology, it is very much questionable whether Gwonwu's poetry can be summed up only with these poems. The next question is what is the writing method for taking joy(spice), sentiment, and full-heart into his poems if Gwonwu's poems focus on exposing his internal emotions, and if poems exposing joy and poems exposing sentiment and full-heart appear coherently in various different spaces and circumstances of writing. The final question is what are the meanings of Gwonwu's poems if his poetry checked out through his anthology directly shows either the reality carried in his poems or the reality of a time in his life. The questions listed above are thought to be resolved by the synchronizing process of stereoscopic searches both for Gwonwu as an individual and for the era of his life. Especially, spurring deeper researches toward a new direction regarding Gwonwu's poetry has an important meaning for construction of a complete modern and contemporary history of Sino-Korean literature and for procurement of continuous research on Sino-Korean literature and its history. For the reason, it is thought that more efforts of researchers are required.