Korean traditional education emphasizes moral education than any other country or culture. Education is recognized as practical task for self-realization and self-transcendence in traditional Confucian community. This study starts from two questions. First, how moral education in Korea from late in the 19th, when the modernized schooling started, to now can be classified according to social and political circumstances? Second, what is the main issue of moral education in the progress of Korean education after independence from Japanese imperialism? Especially, this study focuses on reflecting and reviewing these issues by context of Eastern moral education. After late in the 19th century, moral education in Korea is divided into three types: "Education for loyalty and filial piety and Moral cultivation", "Citizenship education and Education for anti-communism", and "Moral education and Character education". This study mainly insists these types of moral education distort the sprit by political interests rather than inherit and develop sprit or basic value of moral education. Furthermore, this study discusses characteristic of moral education and way to improve based on important two issues in Korean society; "Nationalism in moral education" and "Western biased education" Making individual's free will into group consciousness in accordance with political power group's interests rather than developing moral community based on each one's character building, nationalism in moral education deepens self-alienation. Western biased education makes self-negation as it considers western as core, and Korea and other traditional ideas as side. This study emphasizes reanalysis Eastern moral education and need effort for understanding of Eastern moral education to overcome Western biased education in Korean moral education.
This study was proceeded with interest on the influence of globalization factors of Korean traditional liquor on Korea national brand image and purchasing intention toward traditional liquor. Results show that the globalization factors except the superiority and special knowledge of Korean traditional liquor, the quality and promotion factors directly related to Korea brand image and purchasing intention toward traditional liquor. This fact improves the quality of Korean traditional liquor is most important factor deciding national brand image and purchasing intention. Also, Korea national brand image had influence on purchasing intention toward traditional liquor. And the quality factors of Korean traditional liquor had moderating effect on brand image and purchasing intention, which implies to improve quality and functional properties of Korean traditional liquor using promotion with Korean food to Japanese.
The purpose of this paper is to characterize the reception of Cynicism by Julian, the emperor and Neoplatonist of the late Roman Empire. Julian attempts to restore true Cynicism, while chiding decadent contemporary Cynics. To this end, he idealizes Diogenes as an example of the true Cynic. The main attention is paid to the way in which Julian idealizes Diogenes. First, we introduce the basic features of Cynicism with a focus on the figure of Diogenes. Although Diogenes inherited the ethics of happiness from Socrates and presented the Cynic practices encapsulating - freedom from social customs, self-sufficiency as opposed to vanity and greed, and asceticism - as a shortcut to happiness, he was called a 'Socrates gone mad', owing to his unconventional and shameless words and deeds. Compared to this Diogenes, we try to discern the characteristics of the true Cynic described by Julian. The true Cynic for Julian is a rigorous ascetic like Diogenes, but a Diogenes knowing shame (aidos). He is an intelligent examiner of the opinion of the people like Socrates. However, he is a free man not enslaved to a particular state, but a pious philosopher who defends the divine moral law of the cosmopolis. In the end, it is shown that Julian embraces Cynicism in so far as it can be integrated into Socrates' rationalist moral tradition. We conclude with a brief reflection on the significance of Julian's reception of Cynicism from the perspective of his attempt to unify ancient philosophical traditions in order to protect Hellenism against Christianity.
The current study described the history of Islamic extremism and the recent expansion of international Islamic extremism in Indonesia. For doing so, both content analysis of the existing written documents and qualitative interviews were conducted. For the content analysis, media reports and research articles were collected and utilized. For qualitative interviews, Indonesian students and workers in Korea, Korean spouses married to Indonesian, and Korean missionaries in Indonesia were contacted and interviewed. Qualitative interview was conducted between 30 minutes and 2 hours. On the spot, interviews were recorded and later transcribed into written documents. Due to the difficulty of identification of population and the uneasiness of accessability to th study subjects, convenient sampling and snowball sampling were used. According to the results, Islamic extremism in Indonesia had a deep historical root and generally shared similar historical experience with other muslim countries such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia where Islamic extremism was deeply rooted in. That is, Islamic extremism began as a reaction to the western imperialism, after independence, Islamic extremism elements were marginalized in the process of construction of the modern nation-state, and Islamic extremist movement was radicalized and became violent during the Soviet-Afghan War. In addition, after 9.11, Islamic extremism in Indonesia was connected to international Islamic extremism network and integrated into such global movement. Such a historical development of Indonesian Islamic extremism was quite organized and robust. Meanwhile, the eastward infiltration and expansion of international Islamic extremism such as IS and Al Qaeda was observed in Indonesia. Particularly, such a worrisome expansion was more clearly visible in the marginalized and underdeveloped countrysides in Indonesia. Such expansion in Indonesia could negatively affect on the security of South Korea. Geographically, Indonesia is proximate to South Korea. This geographical proximity could be a direct security threat to the Korean society, as if Islamic extremism in North Africa and Middle East becomes a direct security threat to Europe. Considering the presence of a large size of Indonesian immigrant workers and communities in South Korea, such a concern is very realistic. The arrest of an Indonesian Islamic extremism supporter in November, 2016, could be a harbinger of the coming trend of Islamic extremism expansion inside South Korea. The Indonesian Islamic community in South Korea could be a passage of Indonesian Islamic extremism into the South Korean society. In this context, it is timely and necessary to pay an attention to the recent trend of Islamic extremism expansion in Indonesia.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
/
v.13
no.3
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pp.341-354
/
2007
Since Goryo was established during the early tenth century, Koreans have believed that Goguryo, which ruled almost all of the Manchurian territory, was one of the Three Kingdoms of their ancestors. This Korean perspective conflicts with the Chinese perspective that Goguryo was a Chinese local government in Manchuria and the northen parts of Korean Peninsula. Modern Chinese people wish, by the measure of Manchurian Project, that the history of China includes the histories of all the ethnic groups in Manchurian territory. Although Chinese people attempt unreasonably to regard Goguryo as an old Chinese local government, it is not from the Korean nationalistic viewpoint but from the scientific historian viewpoint that this Chinese perspective should be criticised and corrected. We should remember that the nationalistic viewpoints in East Asia may hinder the establishment of mutual cooperation and security in the region.
This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.
The purpose of this research is both to analyse the dynamics of welfare pluralism in the personal social service policy for elderly British people and to provide policy implications based on analysis of the post World War II time era up until the end of the New Labour Government. Content analysis of government and parliament reports, minutes, scripts for party conferences, legislations, declassified government documents, and institutes' reports of the Conservative, Labour, and New Labour Governments from 1945 to 2010 shows that the governments played only assistive roles in welfare pluralism at any given point in time. The negative experiences of elderly British can be attributed to the unbalanced structure of roles held by public and private institutions for personal social services. They ultimately have important policy implications for the foundation of welfare pluralism in elderly Korean community care by the Moon Jae-in government.
First and foremost, a discussion concerning government structure has to be done in connection with the state form and the governmental form. For practical reasons, there is a need to balance the principle of legality and its exceptions under the Government Organization Act. To ensure the flexibility of government structure with respect to the principle of legality, the National Assembly should accept the government structure requested by the newly elected government. This mitigates the rigidity of the principle of the legality within the government organizations. However, excessive changes by each government could violate the principle of legality asked by Constitution. In this sense, arbitrary modification with respect to the government structure by the newly elected government is not desirable. The long term stability of the government organization is required in any case. Secondly, general administrative agencies, other than Executive Ministries, should not be established under the direct order of the President without the control of the Prime Minister. A hierarchy of the executive branch (President->Prime Minister-> Executive Ministries) is stipulated in the Constitution. Establishing a hierarchy of President -> executive institution should be considered unconstitutional. Therefore, only the Presidential Secretariat and institutions with special functions can be established in the Presidential Office. Establishing general administrative agencies in the Presidential Office for convenience purposes is against the spirit of the current Constitution. Consequently, only the office of staffs and special agencies can be placed in the presidential office. It is against the spirit of the current Constitution to found administrative agencies under the presidential office for convenience. Thirdly, the office of the Prime Minister should be the backbone of internal affairs. In that sense, the President, as the head of state, should focus on the big picture such as the direction of the State, while the Cabinet headed by the Prime Minister should be responsible for the daily affairs of the State. The cabinet surrounding the Prime Minister must control all the ordinary affairs of the State, while the President, as the head of the State, should focus on the big picture of blueprinting the aim of the State. Lastly, the Office of the Prime Minister and Executive Ministries are the two main bodies of the executive branch. It is important to reduce the confusion caused by repeated changes in the names of Executive Ministries, to restore the traditional names and authorities of these institutions, and to rehabilitate the legitimacy of the State. For the Korean democracy to take its roots, a systematic way of stabilizing a law-governed democratic country is needed. There is also the need not only to reform security and economic agencies, but also to rationally solve the integration of technique and policy, according to the changes of time.
Un globalization unfolds, concerns and research toward the differnces international cultures has increased. However, there is a dearth of research regarding how to nature culture align orgainzational performance with leadership style. Accordingly, this study aims to identify the relationship between leadership style and the orgainzational performance with mediating effect of national culture. Understanding the cultures of other countries is not as fast as the speed of internationalization. As globalization advances, interest and research on the characteristics of national culture differences have been increasing. One of the important challenges for business leaders is the ability to understand and deal with cross-cultural management. But there is a lack of research on cross-cultural management. In order to achieve this objective, this study, adopts Hofstede cultural dimensions, and finds the mediating effect on these transformational and transactional leadership on organizational performance.Feminism, collectivism, power distance, and uncertainty avoidance were classified into four factors of national culture has differnct mediating effect on leadership style and performance. This research has concentrated on leadership-styles and organizational performance with mediating effect of national culture.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.8
no.2
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pp.170-183
/
2002
Recently it is supposed to be a shift to regional geography. To understand the emergence of the new regional geography, It must be remarked that the progress of capitalist production and consumption change our conceptional apparatus such as representation of space. Region is one of the important mode of representations of space and time. In the Fordist capitalism of 20th century, development is regarded as diffusion of capitalist expansion of western worlds. State must support capitalist growth through regional policies which include constructing of infrastructure and regionalization of spatial division of labour. The regional development theories contributed as ideology and policy tools for state intervention. The region was simply one of the most logical classification tools of organizing geographical informations. In the theories of regional development, the concept of region was reduced to the formal unit of classification. As the transition from Fordism to flexible accumulation, the region is again acquiring its 'identity' and 'authenticity'. In this tendency of the revival of region, it is expected that good achievement could be made in the field of regional geography through relevant research methods. It is also believed one of the available means are historical approaches to the cultural and ecological regions. The historical approaches to cultural and ecological regions are not only correspondent with cultural development strategies of local governments, but also could convey regional identities through both narrativization of place and aestheticization of landscape.
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