• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.628-633
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• 2010

All the text of housing in 1910s was conveyed in three; hygiene general readings, home economics texts saying women's responsibility of cleaning house, and Japanese's observation and criticizing Korean housing. It stressed sanitary conditions of housing and criticised Korean housing dirty, of which contents and logic were same with the housing discourse in 1900s but much simpler and smaller in amount. It was mainly written by those in medical treatment field like doctors for enlightenment of private hygiene practice to Koreans. Because Choson Government-General(朝鮮總督府) excluded Korean residental areas from urban sanitation project, they remained dirty in 1910s. The practice of housing sanitation remained just as a matter of private sanitary practice. These political and discoursive conditions insinuated a sense that Korean dirty housing was representation of Korean's uncivilized customs and manners and a reason for being colonized. This sense made many Koreans to insist their housings' reforming to sanitary states just for civilization during colonized period.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.5-25
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• 2013

Korean society suffers from severe divisions represented by bi-polarization and collapse of the middle class. Intensive demanding on expanding social welfare budget has emerged in accordance with such a dramatic shift. Social consensus moving toward well-financed welfare policy, however, happens to meet political opposition supported by the discourse of fiscal soundness. This paper thus pays particular attention to deciphering the discursive structure in way of understanding how discourses bring public policy into play. For this purpose, news articles about fiscal soundness collected from 8 national newspapers have been analyzed in terms of frame, attitude, perspective and world view. Research results show, first of all, that there exist persistent competition between two frames identified as 'reduced tax with fiscal discipline' and 'increased tax with welfare money.' While the 'reduced tax' frame favors in maintaining tax cut at the expense of welfare budjet, the frame of 'increased tax' supports such arguments as the flexible employment of fiscal soundness and prosperity of national community helped by widening tax revenues. Also did these frames include a number of sub-frames like welfare populism, partisan politics, trickle down effect, tax bonanza for the rich, universal welfare and market over-reactions in order to bolster its logical authority. Media's active taking a part in penetrating supportive frames in line with political stance was found as well. Taking into account both the discursive structure upheld by frames and politics materialized by the media, the authors argue that public policies should be considered more as discourse than fixed reality. Shedding additional light on understanding the interplay among public opinion, policies and media discourse is of another importance for further study.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.503-514
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• 2016

The starting point of this study is an examination of the vital role of terrestrial broadcasting in Korean society, where ethnic minorities have increasingly become visible. Korean terrestrial broadcasters' mandate emphasises the broadcaster's responsibility to represent and reflect the range of public opinion and experiences beyond class, age, ethnicity and ideological orientation. The main purpose of this study is to visually examine the means through which terrestrial broadcasting generates discourses of We-ness and Otherness at times of change in the Korean society. The study focuses on prime-time broadcasting news programmes' visual representations of migrants and ethnic minorities.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.43
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• pp.255-284
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• 2016

This article aims at a discourse analysis on the selected 1970s Myungrang Manwhas, in the cases of Ggubungi, Doggaebi Gamtu, Yochul Balmyungwang. For the analysis, the history, pre-censorship, and distribution structure of Myungrang Manwha are referenced, as well as the considerable changes and developments on the definition of 'myungrang' since the 1920s. In employing Foucauldian discourse analysis to the texts, the selected Myungrang Manwhas are analyzed as discursive formation, which emerged within the social relations of the era; the characters' dialogues are analyzed as statement. The analysis examines the discourses that the texts disseminated, and the social context of the utterance. It is demonstrated that the Myungrang Manwhas are forms of representation, which implies 'the contested acquisition on capital and power', 'the emphasis on nationalist aspects', and 'the interpellation and discipline of subject active' of the time. Moreover, it is revealed that the forms of control, such as pre-censorship, were the articulation of the will to power, which drove the discoursive formation to function as an apparatus that meticulously constituted the ruling ideology. In conclusion, the Myungrang Manwhas are rather texts that encompasses political and social context of the era than a mere comic relief.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.261-267
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• 2021

The enlightenment project raised in both Korea and China during the modern period worked as a part of the patriotic enlightenment movement against the imperial powers. Among them, "boy" appeared as the subject of enlightenment, and "sea" appeared as a medium. Specifically, through "Boy Discourse," Liang Qi Chao ultimately envisioned a nation for "subjects", and Choi Nam-seon also seeked to overcome the national crisis as "New Korea" and join the ranks of powerful nations. Liang Qiqiao proposes the concept of a "Boy Nation" and an "Old Nation" through boy discourse, and wishing for the development of the "Boy Nation" through "proficiency training". Choi Nam-seon also recognized that the future of the nation depends on "boys", influenced by Liang Qi-qiao's discourse on boys, and argues that Choseon should cultivate skills to become a "Boy Nation". In addition, Liang Qi-chao and Choi Nam-seon actively spread the "boy discourse" through the creation of poetry. Liang Qi Chao introduced the world's geography and history through poetries related to the sea, while at the same time inspiring a sense of challenge to recognize and pioneer the sea as a pathway that connects the world in a broad sense. Namseon Choi also created a poem that directly linked "the sea" and the "boy" to promote the "adventure at sea" and "the progressive spirit of the sea and the boy".

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.87-99
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• 2002

This is a study of discourses on the family used during the Enlightenment period in Korea. To this end, 1 have conducted a qualitative analysis of the editorials taken from the Taehan Maeil Sinbo of that period. The major findings are as follows: First, these Enlightenment period discourses claimed that civilized nations evolved from a family in primitive society. This concept of family is different from the concept of family in a Confucian society. Civilized societies believed the family is less important than the nation. At that time, Korean Press used the term bumoguk (Parental nation) to refer to the nation in an attempt to equate national loyalty to filial piety. Second, the Enlightenment period claimed that the nation belonged in the Public sphere while the family belonged in the private sphere. However, it was stated that it was the duty of the family to discipline the members and make them into good citizens. Finally, Enlightenment discourses used familyism as the basis of their arguments.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.633-642
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• 2016

This study looked into Japan's recognition of Korea in early modern era with particular focuses on discourse on Korea and contents in textbooks in those days. In doing so, the topics of nationality, historical recognition, and social aspects in Korea were established and discourse on these topics in educational journals and the contents of textbooks and teaching manuals projected with such discourse were investigated. As for nationality, a strong propensity to negative recognition was clearly observed, represented by the words lazy, enervate, and uncivilized. They defined Korea's history of passive, other-directed nature and described such incompetent national management resulted in negative nationality. Their recognition of Korean history went further away, stating Korea was incapable of maintaining its independence and was a threat to peace of Japan and Asia, hence the forced merger by Japan. The criteria for Japan to assess Korean society were Western civilization and they defined Korean society as a pre-modern society with lower levels of civilization and culture. Discourse in Japan over Korea in early modern era were strongly influenced by Japan's pride as a modern state and its dominating ideology of imperialism and such discussions were spread among students through textbooks and teaching manuals.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2011.11a
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• pp.290-300
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• 2011

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.255-288
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• 2016

Korean mass media has represented foreigners in their documentaries, entertainment shows, situational comedies, and dramas for long time, while the representations created plenty of controversies. Alleged West-oriented racism found from various televison programs may be one of them. Recently, however, more Korean television shows began to incorporate the ideas of multi-culturalism. This paper is an attempt to explore how television audiences interpret multi-culturalism reflected in the media. More specifically, this is a case study of JTBC's , a show featuring foreigners debating on various topics regarding Korean culture. Particularly, it focuses on disputes over the producers' decision to play 'Kimigayo' (the national anthem of Japan, which is also considered as a symbol of Japanese militaristic past) when introduced a new Japanese panel. Critical discourse analysis was adoped as the main research method, and researchers found that audiences draw certain guidelines in accepting multi-cultural aspects. If and when these aspects overstep the line, they tend to abandon it without hesitance. In the case of 'Kimigayo,' it was ethno-centrism and/or anti-Japanes sentiments which made multi-culturalsim much weaker. It does not mean that multi-culturalism was replaced-or defeated-by nationalism, but show the 'vulnerability' of multi-culturalsim. Multi-culturalism is not as concretely rooted in Korean society as many people have claimed or hoped. The research has its own limitations as a case study, but it is hoped to stimulate other researchers to keep their eyes on media and multi-culturalsim in Korea.