• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.6
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• pp.49-63
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• 2021

The Forest Visitor Centers for Little Children who means preschoolers is an educational facility that achieves holistic growth by experiencing forests, and it should not be completed by installing specific facilities in the forest environment, but should be a space where preschoolers can play freely in the forest environment themselves. This study comprehensively evaluated the current status of Seoul Forest Visitor Centers for Little Children and suggested space improvement measures to enhance the effectiveness of forest experience. Through the theoretical review, seven spatial elements that enhance the effect of forest experience and six areas composing outdoor play areas were derived to prepare an analysis table for current status evaluation, and field survey studies were conducted on 24 centers in Seoul. Through expert interviews, the physical status was examined from the perspective of childhood education and the experiences of the users were summarized. As a result of the study, the Seoul Forest Visitor Center for Little Children is classified into six types according to the location characteristics and spatial structure, and has the characteristics of each type. The effectiveness of forest experience can be enhanced by identifying and revealing the environmental strengths of individual centers. In the case of outdoor experience learning zones, the proportion of exercise play areas was very large. By evenly organizing the forest experience space for each area, it will be possible to provide more diverse experiences to preschoolers. However, the status of uniform facility-oriented cannot be viewed as a fragmentary factor that lowers the effect of forest experience. The key to increasing the effect of forest experience by inducing creative activities is the spatial composition that considers the surrounding natural environment. Facilities should be a medium to help preschoolers' interest move into the forest. This study prepared data to understand the average physical status of the Seoul Forest Visitor Center for Little Children and suggested space improvement measures to increase the effectiveness of forest experience. This can be used as basic data for research to improve the quality level of the Seoul Forest Visitor Center for Little Children about 10 years after the project was implemented.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.10-19
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• 2021

This study investigated the actual state and transformation of the major garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮) in the modern and contemporary period, focusing on Nakseonjae(樂善齋), Juhamnu(宙合樓), Jondeokjeong(尊德亭), and Daebodanji (大報壇址). This study can be used as useful data for establishing the restoration and maintenance plan of the garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace, and the main results of the study can be summarized as follows. First, according to a photo taken by the Czech Vráz, in 1901, a total of six garden ornaments, including a stone pond and odd-shaped stones, were located in the backyard of Nakseonjae. Since liberation, arbitrary relocation of garden ornaments has frequently occurred, and in the process, two odd-shaped stones, originally located on the first floor of the terraced flower bed, have been transferred to the backyard of Gyeonghungak(景薰閣). Second, unlike the late Joseon Dynasty when 「Donggwoldo(東闕圖)」 was produced, odd-shaped stones were arranged symmetrically in the backyard of Juhamnu in the early 1900s. It was a traditional style garden ornament with similar appearance, size, and design. However, all the odd-shaped stones in the backyard of Juhaumnu were relocated to other places in the 1970s and 1980s. One is located at the rear of Aeryeonjeong(愛蓮亭) through the entrance of Bingcheon(氷泉) and the vicinity of Geumcheongyo(錦川橋), and the other remains in front of the Yeongyeongdang Jangnakmun(演慶堂 長樂門). Third, among the garden ornaments located in the area of Jondeokjeong in the past, one odd-shaped stone is now relocated around the stone bridge near the pavilion and the Yeonghwadang(暎花堂) with its components separated. The bondstone near Yeonghwadang was relocated in 1990 for the purpose of installing an imitation of Angbuilgu(仰釜日晷). Another odd-shaped stone has been relocated to the front door of the Secret Garden(後苑), and now it is difficult to grasp the location. Fourth, the two bondstones remaining in the Daebodanji were actually building materials that were used as the foundation stone for the entrance pillars of the Yi Royal Office Building(李王職廳舍) during the Japanese colonial period. After liberation, the Yi Royal Office Building was reorganized into Imperial Estate Administration Office(皇室財産事務總局), and when the office building was burned down in 1960, the stone statues and foundation stones placed on the stylobate were relocated to the Daebodanji. The bondstone at Daebodanji is a representative example of construction materiasl being mistaken for gaeden ornaments.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.801-833
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• 2019

This article has reviewed on the characteristics of the Beompae (Buddhist chanting) performed by Gyeongjaeeosan Wonmyeongchang(唱) based on the result of musical style of Gyeongjae Anchaebi-sori as defined under the previous studies. And, through the comparison with the Beompae performed by Songam-chang (唱), a same type of musical piece, it contemplates on musical differences between the two singers. Results of the study are shown as follows. of Gyeongjaeeosan Seolhoeinyu-pyeon and of Socheongsaja-pyeon are sunged as Yuchi-Seong(聲) among Anchaebi-sori. 'main melody type' and 'ending type' are generally similar to the musical characteristics of the Yuchi-Seong(聲), and the differences between the two singers are detected from main melody type D and ending type b. In particular, under of Socheongsaja-pyeon, only the type a is detected among the two types. becouse ending note of ending-type 'a' is ended with 'sol'. The basic frame of the Jjaimsae(musical form) has been clarified in the previous studies that the Jjaimsae of Yuchi-Seong(聲) has been maintained just the way it is. However, even for the same Seong(聲), the combination of the 'main melody type' of passage has not been unified, and depending on the musical piece, it has been discovered that the combination of the 'main melody type' has been diversely organized. of Gyeongjaeeosan Bongsongsajapyeon belongs to Pyeon-gae-seong(聲) broadly from the Anchaebi-sori and it is shown to be So-seong(聲) in details. In particular, in the previous studies, the 'ending melody' of So-seong(聲) and the closing melody of were similar with a slight difference for the 'ending melody'. Such a difference is relation to the characteristics for sequentially descending melody of Wonmyeong-chang(唱). The 'Jjaimsae(The musical structure)' is not much different from the previous studies, and the 'yeok-eum(weaving lyrics)' of Songam-chang(唱) has strong tendency of 3-sobak rhythm while the Wonmyeong-chang (唱) is shown the tendency of 2-sobak rhythm in general for the difference.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.87-100
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• 2022

Early start-up companies have an inherent limitation of lack of resources. Despite these limitations, in order to survive, the entrepreneur's personal ability to efficiently use limited resources is required. In the marketing field, various studies are needed to reduce the business failure rate through establishing growth strategies and innovation. Accordingly, it is necessary to apply the concept of entrepreneurial marketing, which has been researched and developed overseas for 30 years, to fit the domestic reality. According to the flow of this study, an empirical study should be preceded to clarify the influence relationship between entrepreneurial marketing orientation, marketing competency, and management performance, along with a theoretical theorem on entrepreneurial marketing that is suitable for early start-ups and small and medium-sized enterprises(SMEs) and can respond innovatively to changes. The establishment of entrepreneurial marketing orientation and the processes from which this concept leads to business performance through the organization's marketing capabilities and its effects will be empirically verified. For an empirical survey, a survey was conducted on founders of 220 companies, and path analysis using structural equations was used for hypothesis verification. The findings are as follows. First, it was found that the entrepreneurial marketing orientation had a positive effect on both the organization's marketing capabilities and management performance. Second, it was found that the organization's marketing capabilities also had a positive effect on management performance. Third, as a result of empirical analysis of the mediating effect of the organization's marketing capabilities on the relationship between entrepreneurial marketing orientation and management performance, it was found that marketing capabilities showed a greater mediating effect on non-financial performance than financial performance. On the other hand, it was confirmed that marketing performance had a stronger mediating effect on financial performance than non-financial performance. By confirming and presenting the concept and constituent factors of entrepreneurial marketing orientation of domestic start-ups, which were academic gaps for the purpose of this paper, the academic research is differentiated in that they were verified as six components of entrepreneurial marketing. The practical implications of the research results will be that the entrepreneurial marketing-oriented mindset of small and medium-sized companies will optimize market analysis capabilities, network with various stakeholders, and increase the organization's ability to demonstrate marketing capabilities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.110-123
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• 2024

Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's visiting at hot springs based on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』, <Younggoedaedo(靈槐臺圖)>, 『Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』 and cultural properties such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). Through a photo taken by Hermann Sander in 1906, it can be confirmed that the hot springs(Tangsil building) at Onyanghaenggung Palace during the Joseon Dynasty was maintained until the early Japanese colonial period. The purpose of this study is to estimate the compositions of the hot springs(Tangsil building) in Onyanghaenggung Palace based on literature records and <Oncheonhaenggungdo>(1795). To achieve these purposes, we firstly examined the changes in Onyanghaenggung Palace and the hot springs (Tangsil building); secondly, the bathing behaviors of kings were reviewed; thirdly, we organized the architectural composition of the hot springs (Tangsil building) according to "Ongung Repair" of 『Ongungsasil (溫宮事實)』; and fourthly, by comparing Sander's photo in the early days of Japanese colonial rule, the architectural composition of the hot springs (Tangsil building) in the late Joseon Dynasty was examined. The results of this study are as follows. First, the hot springs(Tangsil building) of Onyanghaenggung Palace were continuously connected to the Onjeongsil(溫井室) in the reign of King Hyeonjong and maintained until 『Hoseo-eupji』 (1871) in the late Joseon Dynasty. It matches the photograph taken by Hermann Sander(1906) and <1912 Onyang Hot Springs in Asan City>(1912) of Korea Copyright Commission during the early Japanese colonial period. Second, the various king's bathing methods during the Joseon Dynasty were adopted such as washing, spilling and bathing head while sitting on a bathing platform or chair, or exposing the steam of hot spring water, dipping feet into the water and a half-body soaking bath below the navel immersed in water. Third, the stone bathtubs of hot springs(Tangsil building) are composed of the upper bath which was hot spring water gushes out from the northwest, bends to the east, enters the middle bath, and bends to the south to come out to the outside to gather in the lower bath. Around the stone bathtubs, pebble stones brought in from Taean were laid on the floor of the hot springs(Tangsil building). From the above considerations, the compositions of the Tangsil building in Onyang Temporary Palace is based on the king's approach from the main royal building, the king's bathing method and bathing tools, the bathing behavior of enlisted medical officers and bathing assistants, and each rooms mentioned in "Ongung Repair". By comparing it with Hermann Sander's photo, the architectural compositions of the hot springs(Tangsil building) can be estimated.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.149-188
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• 2011

This thesis presents the research of analytical psycholoy in respect of Jindo Dasiraegi. In a funeral of Jindo, situated in the southern island of Korea, there is a theatrical performance which is called Dasiraegi(rebirth). This research manifested a basic, universal meaning of psychological approach related the implicit of death in performing theatre from a analytic psychological point of view. The characteristics of this theatrical feast are like these ; 1) funeral festival 2) entrance of clown(the existence of antipole and conflict) 3) eroticism 4) active participation of female character 5) difficulty in her delivery 6) the moment of joy thanks to childbirth. The prerequisite of this feast should be a propitious mourning of person dying old and rich. That is, after having a complete life, it could be an entire death. Three main roles in Dasiraegi ; a bat-blind buddhist devotee, a strolling actor teasing men, an apostate monk, theses characters lock horns in a form of triangle conflict relations, then they keep a balance with a fake mourner as a protagonist , modulator and narrator. These characters are indeed clowns who manifested a metaphor as a decent, sacred and reasonable part of shadow regards group consciousness. The alive and the deceased, mourner and fake mourner, piety and confusion, wail and laugh, silence and grumble, death and birth, diverse antipole all coexist then theses are in harmony. The blind devotee and the monk are in antipole, the entertainer(anima) provokes a conflict between them. The infant is a solution as same as a result of conflict. This conflict seems to be eased by birth of a baby which is a symbol of wholeness(ganzheits) but the conflict of antipole is reenacted as insisting his parental right so this solution is leaving the baby to the chief mourner who is fourth character and the first beginning. Unconsciousness, hereby, is negotiating with appeared reality. The Images in unconsciousness are conscious and this new energy in unconsciousness is proceeding towards consciousness, then it became a therapeutic power for the loss of consciousness. Dasiraegi is the play of consolation much more for the alive than the deceased. The death signified not a loss but a resurrection and this intends a transition of new leading independent role for the alive. These make us have more prudent consideration concern the double sense of renewal for the dead and the alive. It is preserved as only a form of drama on stage after disappearance of Dasiraegi in a funeral recently. Dasiraegi was a manifestation of unconsciousness for compensation about the unilateral attitude of group consciousness to the strict death excessively. Therefore, this will enable reflect the relativeness and the attitude which regards the death as the end today.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.20-37
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• 2012

After withdrawal of military troops of Chinese Tang dynasty in the 18th year of King Moon-moo's reign(678), the Silla Kingdom had actually unified the Korean peninsula and had divided the territory into 9 states benchmarking the China's local administrations adjustment system. He had established local administrative units by deploying secondary capitals, counties and prefectures in the nine states. The so-called "9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" are what constitutes the local administrations system. The provinces can be compared to current provinces of the Republic of Korea(hereinafter Korea), and secondary capitals to megalopolises. According to a chapter of the Samkuksaki(三?史記) which had recorded the achievements of king Kyoungdeok in December in his 16th year on the throne(757), the local administrative units had amounted to 5 secondary capitals, 117 counties and 293 prefectures. There are still lots of ambiguous points since there have never been any consultation on locations of provinces and secondary capitals' castles, and on structures of cities because the researches for local cities inside the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals in the Unified Silla Kingdom has been conducted centering on the historic literatures only. The research for restoring structures of cities seen from an archeological perspective are limited to the studies of Taewoo Park("A study on the local cities in the Unified Kingdom Age" 1987) and that of the author("A study on the restoration of planned cities for the Unified Silla Kingdom in terms of the structures and realities of the castles in the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" 2009). The Gangneung city of Gangwon province was originally called Haseoryang(河西良) of the Gogureo Kingdom as an ancient nation of Ye(濊). According to "Samkuksaki", it had evolved from Haseoju(河西州) to a secondary capitals in the 8th year of King Seonduk(639). Afterwards, it had been renamed as Myeongju(溟洲) in the 16th year of King Kyoungduk(757), and then several other names were given to it after Goryo dynasty. Taewoo Park claims that it is being defined as a sanctuary remaining in Myoungjudong because of the vestige of bare castle, and this cannot be ascertained due to the on-going urbanization processes. Also, the Kwandong university authority is suggesting an opinion of regarding Myeongju mountain castle located 3 Kms southwest of the center of Gangwon city as commanding post for the pertinent state. The author has restored the pertinent area into a city composed of villages within a lattice framework like Silla Keumkyoung and many other cities. The structure is depicted next. The downtown of Gangneung is situated on a flat terrain at the west bank of Namdaecheon stream flowing southwest to northeast along the inner area of the city. Though there isn't any hill comparatively higher than others in the vicinity, hills are continuously linked east to west along the northern area of the downtown, and the maximum width of flat terrain is about 1 Km and is not so large. Currently, urbanization is being proceeded into the inner portion of Gangneung city, the lands in all directions from the hub of Gangneung station have been readjusted, and thus previous land-zoning program is almost nullified. However, referring to the topographic chart drawn at the time of Japanese colonial rule, it can be validated that land-zoning program to accord the lattice framework with the length of its one side equaling to 190m leaves its vestige about 0.8Km northwest to southeast and about 1.7Km northeast to southwest of the vicinity of Okcheondong, Imdangdong, Geumhakdong, Myeongjudong, and etcetera which comprize the hub of the downtown. The land-zoning vestige within the lattice framework, compared to other cases related with the '9 states and 5 secondary capitals', is very much likely to be that of the Unified Silla Kingdom. That the length of a side of a lattice framework is 190m as opposed to that of Silla Geumkyoung and other cities with their 140m or 160m long sides is a single survey item in the future. The baseline direction for zoning the lands is tilting approximately 37.5 degrees west of northwest to southeast axis in accordance with the topographic features. It seems that this phenomenon takes place because of the direction of Namdaecheon and the geographic constraints of the hills in the north. Reviewing minimally, a rectangular size of zoned land by 4 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 7 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side had been restored within a lattice framework. Otherwise, considering the extent of expansion of the existing zoned lands in the lattice framework and one more Pang(坊) being added to each side, it is likely that the size could have been with 5 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 8 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side(950 M on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 1,520m on the northeast to southwest side). The overall shape is rectangle, but land-zoning programs reminiscent of rebuilt roads(red phoenix road) like Jang-an castle(長安城) of Chinese Tang dynasty or Pyoungseong castle(平城城) in Japan is not to be validated. There are some historic items among the roof tiles and earthen wares excavated at local administrative office sites or Gangneung's town castle in Joseon dynasty inside the area assumed to be containing municipal vestiges even though archeological survey for the vestige of Myeongju has not been made yet, and these items deserve dating back to the Unified Silla Kingdom age. Also, all of the construction sites at local administrative authorities of the Joseon dynasty are showing large degrees of slant in the azimuth. This is a circumstantial evidence indicating the fact that the inherited land-zoning programs to be seen in Gangneung in terms of the lattice framework had ever existed in the past. Also, the author does not decline that Myeongju mountain castle had once been the commanding post when reviewing the roof tiles at the edge of eaves in this stronghold. The ancient municipal castles in the Korean peninsula are composed of castles on the flat terrain as well as hilly areas and the cluster of strongholds like Myounghwal, Namhan, Seohyoung mountain castles built around municipal castle of Geumkyoung based on a lattice framework program. Considering that mountain castles are spread in the vicinity of municipal vestiges in other cities other than the 9 states and 5 secondary capitals, it is estimated that Myeongju was assuming the function of commanding post incorporating cities on the flat terrain and castles on the hills.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.295-310
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• 1999

Nowadays there are a lot of attempts and approaches in the Study of Oriental Medicine. The Morph&Image is one of them, and its importance is more and more increasing. Likewise, in the Sasang Consitutional Medicine, the Morph&Image is one of the important part too. And it is presented in the ${\ll}$Dorgyi SooseBowon(東醫壽世保元)${\gg}$. But that Discourse shows us only the concept and conclusion of Morph&Image, based on classification of Sasang Constitution, without explaining how it is derived. So the author studied the basic theory parts of ${\ll}$Dorgyi Soose Bowon${\gg}$-those are the , , , and - and wanted to find out the mechanism of Morph&Image concept in the Sasang Constitutional Medicine. The results were as follows. 1. Every portion of human body, can be considered as Morph&Image, in ${\ll}$Dorgyi Soose Bowon${\gg}$ could be explained in the line with the Sasang theory. Morph&Image in ${\ll}$Dorgyi Soose Bowon${\gg}$ contents not only the shape itself but also image, operation, mind condition, nature, emotion and so on. 2. The traditional Oriental Medicine has the Morph&Image categorized by Five elements(五行). And it is used for Oriental medical Diagnosis. But in the Sasang Constitution, Morph&Image is used for Sasang Constitutional classification. 3. The Morph&Image in Sasang could be classified into four groups. Affairs(事)- group(ears, eyes, nose, mouth(耳目鼻口) and so on), object(物)-group(lung, spleen, liver, kidney(肺脾肝腎)and soon), Mind(心)-group(jaw, chest navel, abdomen and so on) and Body(身)-group(head, shoulders, waist hips(頭肩腰臀) and so on) are those. Event and Object groups reflect the congenital conditions of Sasang-Classified human body, and Mind and Body groups reflect mind state, nature, emotion etc..

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.