• Journal of architectural history
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.17-28
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• 2018

This study explores the space and society of Seorin-bang(瑞麟坊), using the Hanseong-bu family registry from the Gwangmu period to demonstrate the urban organizational units used during the late Joseon dynasty known as Seo(署)-Bang(坊)-Gye(契)-Dong(洞)-Tong(統)-Ho(戶). It seeks to examine how Seorin-bang's space and society changed with time. First, the study offers approximate demarcation for Gye and Dong through spatial verification of Bang-Gye-Dong-Tong-Ho of Seorin-bang in late Joseon Dynasty, whose precise locations were formerly undetermined. Second, it explores the relationships between Bang-Gye-Dong-Tong-Ho which has been widely understood to be hierarchical by previous studies, and classifies the relationship dynamics between Gye and Dong into four types. Third, the study finds that Seorin-bang retained much of its urban structure including roads, plots, and streams and maintained stable population distribution under the Japanese colonial rule, and continuously served as place of residency for many throughout the Gwangmu period. This study has major implications in that it illustrates space and society of Seorin-bang by converting the family registry from the late Joseon Dynasty into spatial data, and observes its changes subsequent to the Japanese colonial rule.

• Communications of Mathematical Education
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.1093-1130
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to examine obstacles to progress for 20th century Korean mathematics. In 1945, shortly after Korea was liberated from Japan, there were no Korean mathematics Ph.D. holders, less than ten bachelor degree holders, and only one person with a master's degree in mathematics. We investigate the reasons for this. Korea has to overcome such an unforgiving condition and rebuild quality education programs in higher mathematics over the last several decades. These debilitating circumstances in higher mathematics were considerable obstacles in developing a higher level of mathematical research for the mainstream of 20th century world mathematics. We study policy and curriculums of Korean school mathematics in the late 19th and early 20th century, with some educational and socio-political background.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.1-21
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• 2010

The first Korean mathematical science journal was published by Yu, Il- Sun in 1905 and the name of this journal is "Mathematical Science magazine". This monthly journal was published for 2 years. But in the existing literature, there is no information about it. We discovered its existence and studied its contents. From the historical materials, pioneering contributions of Yu, Il-Sun to mathematics were provided. In this article, the first issue of this journal was fully analyzed. We could see his affection and enthusiasm for the journal that he started. More mathematical search efforts on finding historical math materials should be continued. More efforts should be made on finding historical math literatures. Related researches will be done. Those works will be worth to be shared in ICME-12 and ICM 2014.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.432-438
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• 2006

${\ulcorner}$소문대요(素門大要)${\lrcorner}$는 한국의 이규준(李圭晙)이 편저한 중의문헌과 임상이론이 결합된 중요한 저작물이다. 이 책은 광무갑진팔년(光武甲辰八年)(1904년) 음력 3월 16일에 완성되었고, 광무병오(光武丙午)(1906년) 초여름 밀양(密陽) 금천(琴川)에서 조판간행(雕版刊行)되었다. 이 책의 저자인 석곡(石谷) 이규준(李圭晙)(1855-1923)은 경상북도 영일군 사람으로 ${\ulcorner}$소문(素問)${\lrcorner}$ 뿐만 아니라 ${\ulcorner}$영추(靈樞)${\lrcorner}$ ${\ulcorner}$상한론(傷寒論)${\lrcorner}$ ${\ulcorner}$금궤요략${\lrcorner}$ ${\ulcorner}$잡경(難經)${\lrcorner}$ ${\ulcorner}$맥경(服經)${\lrcorner}$ 및 김원사대가(金元四大家)의 저작 등에 대해서도 심도 깊은 연구를 하였다. ${\ulcorner}$소문대요(素門大要)${\lrcorner}$의 중요 공헌은 ${\ulcorner}$소문(素問)${\lrcorner}$의 중요 문장을 회집(匯集)하였을 뿐만 아니라, 이규준(李圭晙) 자신의 의학이론과 임상사상이 표현되어 있다는 것이다. 이규준(李圭晙)은 ${\ulcorner}$소문(素問)${\lrcorner}$의 여러 편(篇) 가운데 특히 ${\ulcorner}$생기통천론(生氣通天論)${\lrcorner}$의 문장을 통해 '양비급고(陽秘乃固)'의 사상을 중요시 하여, 양기(陽氣)의 작용을 강조하면서 '양상유여음상부족(陽常有餘陰常不足)'의 편면성(片面性)을 극복하였다. 이러한 과정에서 그가 제시한 이론은 바로 '부양론(扶陽論)'으로, 그는 ${\ulcorner}$내경(內經)${\lrcorner}$ 십팔권(十八卷)의 내용을 한 마디로 요약하면 '양밀급고(陽密乃固)'라고 주장하였다. 한편 그가 ${\ulcorner}$소문대요(素門大要)${\lrcorner}$를 저술하면서 저본(底本)으로 삼았던 것은 명대(明代)에 간행(刊行)된 고종덕목(顧從德本)이라고 할 수 있다. 이규준(李圭晙)은 고종덕목(顧從德本)을 저본(底本)으로 하여 ${\ulcorner}$소문(素問)${\lrcorner}$의 문장을 해석하였고, 아울러 교감(校勘)을 병행하였는데 그의 교감법(校勘法)은 일정한 판본(版本)에 근거한 것이 아니라 자신의 ${\ulcorner}$소문(素問)${\lrcorner}$ 에 대한 이해를 중심으로 교감(校勘)을 하였다. 또한 그는 훈고학 방면에서도 일정한 식견을 갖추고 있는 것으로 확인되었다. 마지막으로 ${\ulcorner}$소문대요(素門大要)${\lrcorner}$ 는 간행본(刊行本)과 수초본(手抄本)이 유행되고 있는데, 수초본(手抄本)의 경우 와전(訛傳)된 글자가 많으니 간행본(刊行本) 및 ${\ulcorner}$소문(素問)${\lrcorner}$의 원문과 대조하여 잘못된 글자를 바로잡을 필요가 있다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.437-460
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• 2003

It is recorded that the orignal Nam-Suk Bridge is constructed at the first year of Oh-Bong(B.C. 57). But I believe that it can be back to the 19 year of Jin-Hung King(AD. 558) by discovered bibliographies. The Nam-Suk Bridge is improved and remodelled from past to the late of Zosun dynasty by the development of walled city of Chongju. By the late of Gojong Empire, the Nam-Suk Bridge has stone post and monument of Nam-Suk Bridge. Because the alternations of Mu-Sim River channel, heavy floods, extension of built, up area and Japanese unconcern, the stone post and monument of Nam-Suk Bridge is lost approximately by 1910s and Nam-Suk Bridge is completely buried by the early 1930s. The Mu-Sim Hiver has negative aspects from past to the Japanese rule but has increasingly the positive aspects after the liberation of Korea. We must reconstruct these buried cultural resources to highlight the cultural identity of Chongju City.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.19-30
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• 2019

This study explores the application aspect of The detailed rules of Census (1896) through the change of Kan numbers in Gyeonpyeong-bang. Although Gyeonpyeong-bang was a high-priority area because of its location, it was difficult to trace the operation of the urban situation due to lack of data. This study is focusing on restoring space and society in the Gyeonpyeong-bang using the information on the type of houses and the number of Kan listed in the family register of Hanseong-bu. The detailed rules of Census sets out provisions for the family registry and the rules of making Tong. Especially when it comes to the rules of making Tong, this rule deals with the code of making ten Hos into one Tong. This study was conducted by dividing the status of the Tong into three types: uncompleted Tong, exceeded Tong without vacant Ho number, and exceeded Tong with the vacant Ho number. Since these three types of Tong are in the process of change towards the complete Tong with 10 Hos, they were thought to be able to demonstrate the specific application of the rules. This study will be meaningful as a case study that expands the point of existing research on the Tong making rules, which was not focused relatively on restoring urban conditions at that time, by looking at the changes in exceptions that deviated from the Sipgajaktong rule.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.3
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• pp.123-137
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is contemplating and substantiating Korean Empire's court costume through relics and photos. Additionally, the meaning of the pattern of Mugunghwa as the national symbol in the court costume is considered. The results of this study are following. First, a phased introduction of western-style court costume was executed through Ulmi Reformation in 1895 and Court Costume Rule in 1900. U1mi Reformation was characterized by transitional reformation because newly introduced system and traditional costume consolidated in costume. Under Court Costume Rule, however, by accepting western-style on contemporary costume, modernized style was settled in every respect of form and matter. The court costume comprised bicorn, coat, vest, pantaloon, sword, sword belt, white collar and white gloves at audience with the Emperor. Second, by examination of the relics of Chigimgwan and Juimgwan, it was confirmed that the court costume was manufactured in foreign countries such as France and Russia on the basis of order. It was also identified by pictures that court costume was worn by diplomats dispatched. Third, the pattern of Mugunghwa in court costume was featured by embroidery of 6 petal pattern. And the pattern of Mugunghwa, as national symbol, has important meaning in view of history and national affection, while Japanese and European adopted the crest of the royal household. In summary, Korean Empire proclaimed modernized court costume institution to handle international relationship driven by West. It was uneasy reformation in adopting western court costume imported from overseas because its textile and style were completely different from traditional costume. However, the willingness of Korean Empire should be reevaluated in the history of Korean costume, in that Korean Empire established court costume proclaimed its sovereignty domestically and overseas, and that the pattern chosen as national symbol was that of Mugunghwa which is current national flower.

• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.9-18
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• 1968

A series of experiments since 1963 ha sbeen made on the artificial propagation of Penaeus oriental is for the purpose of improving breeding of the prawn. The results are as follows: 1. Spawning takes place in the evening, and almost completes before 10 o'clock p. m.. Number of spawns deposited by a prawn is 30,000 to 150,000. 2. Deposited spawns become nauplius stage after approximately 18 hours (about 13 hours in hatching tanks) at water temperature of $23\~25^{\circ}C$, and grow to first nauplius stage in subsequent 28 hours. 3. It takes about five days from first nauplius stage to zoea stage, and additional four or five days from first zoea stage to first mysis stage. 4. It takes approximately 2 to 3 weeks from spawning to post larva. 5. Hatching rate ranged from $1.4\%$ to $14.9\%$, with the average of $6\%$ in 1966 and $10\%$ to $35\%$ averaging $20\%$ in 1967.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.20-35
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• 2022

This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.