• The Science & Technology
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• no.9 s.412
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• pp.4-5
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• 2003

2001학년도 자연계 대학의 실질적인 평균 경쟁률이 0.7대 1에 불과하다는 사실이 처음 보도된 것은 2001년 5월 20일 동아일보를 통해서였다. 그 보도를 시작으로 아무도 모르게 청소년들 사이에 불처럼 번진 소위 '이공계 기피'는 우리 사회의 심각한 논란거리가 되었다. 그 원인과 심각성에 대한 수많은 진단과 함께 다양한 개선책이 제시되었다. 최근에는 이공계의 공직 진출을 획기적으로 확대하겠다는 정책까지 발표되었지만 이공계 기피는 여전히 개선될 기미를 보이지 않고 있다.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.12 no.9
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• pp.169-178
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• 2021

It is the post-corona era that we will soon face. It is time to achieve the original purpose of job training for health and welfare personnel operated by the Korea Human Resource Development Institute for Health and Welfare and to innovate change to maintain educational consistency. This study reviewed literatures to find alternatives for efficient and effective curriculum operation by integrating contents of health and welfare job education. Through this, we decided to check the possibility of building an open platform and suggest it as a sufficient alternative. It is expected that the establishment of the open platform for job education in the health and welfare sector will enable the education accessibility and the management of the learning management system of the subjects. Above all, it will contribute to the duplication of the education experts and the efficiency of the budget.

• Human Ecology Research
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.521-541
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to demonstrate the antecedent and consequential factors of satisfaction with the flexible working system. Organizational culture was examined as an antecedent factor, while job satisfaction, work performance, organizational commitment, turnover intention, and quality of life were examined as outcome factors. The data of 2,785 public officials who used the flexible work system in the Korea Institute of Public Administration (2022) data set were analyzed using SPSS 28.0. and PROCESS macro's Model 4. The main research findings are as follows. First, organizational cultures that respect individuality and cooperation, supports management, and aims for work autonomy all positively and significantly affect satisfaction with the flexible working system. When ranking the size of influence by the type of organizational culture, work autonomy, respect for individuality, and a cooperative organizational culture had a positive impact in that order, with work autonomy being the most influential factor. In addition, the public officials' age, job preparation period, self-evaluation of workload, and overtime working hours are significant antecedents of satisfaction with the flexible work system. Second, when examining consequential factors, a high level of satisfaction with the flexible working system affects job satisfaction (+), work performance (+), organizational commitment (+), turnover intention (-), and quality of life (+). Job satisfaction was an especially valid mediator between satisfaction with the flexible working system and other consequential factors, including work performance, organizational commitment, turnover intention, and quality of life.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.4
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• pp.5-29
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• 2015

Intergenerational relations in Korea show very unique characteristics. In political arena, young and old generations clash each other intensely, while they maintain a high level of intergenerational solidarity in policy realm. A logistic regression analysis reveals that generational cleavage plays a key role in affecting voting decision and evaluation of governmental performance. It also suggests that in policy realm, normative, functional, and affectional types of solidarity influence people's attitudes on social policies very strongly. If the current government continues to neglect its promises for expanding welfare, the dual structure of generational cleavage in political arena and intergenerational solidarity in social policy realm can soon be turned into a conflictual structure. Therefore, an active initiative to increase intergenerational justice should be taken in order to attain a long-term, sustainable intergenerational solidarity and coexistence.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.150-191
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• 2007

Defamation lawsuits of public figures against media have been an issue since Roh government set in. Dissension between the government and media has probably acted as the key factor on this problem. Accordingly, arguments on the defamation lawsuits of public figures occurred the political issues such as opposition between the Progressive and the Conservative Parties or between the ins and the outs and showed the limits to suggest an appropriate judgment or solution. This study will analyze how the court makes its judgement on their rights and the limits by understanding the characteristic and the problem of defamation lawsuits made by senior government officials including a politician, the government, the president, and etc. As results, the defamation lawsuits of politicians and senior government officials showed specially noteworthy matters in salvation (damage suits), the amount claimed, court costs, ratio of winning lawsuits, and etc. The result on the tendency of the court decision showed the following matters in confusion: it holds the media responsible for the burden of proof by applying the inappropriate criterion; The applied laws, especially in the inferior court decision, do not show the consistency of the burden of proof between the misconception/ intention (malice)/ accident/ purpose of slander on the legal principles of public figures. Therefore, this study suggests the court to apply an appropriate law, let alone regulating the Anti-SLAPP law, so that it curtails the rights of public figures; limits the salvation of damage suit; and protects the right only in the case of false accusation by applying the existing law of "the Protection of the Deceased's Defamation Law." In order to dissolve the confusion when applying the laws on the public figures, the study insists the court to positively apply the Constitutional Court made criterion on "people" and "content." The study also insists to distinguish "intention(malice)," "accident," and "purpose of slander" and variant sorts of the burden of proof should be applied to each.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.149-156
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• 2013

In this paper, the Constitutional Court's ruling through the SNS was virtually guaranteed the freedom of election campaign through, though, still a large portion of campaign restrictions on public election law provisions exist to this forward in the election is likely to cause a lot of legal problems. In this paper, the Constitutional Court's ruling through the SNS was virtually guaranteed the freedom of election campaign through, though, still a large portion of campaign restrictions on public election law provisions exist to this forward in the election is likely to cause a lot of legal problems. Moreover, in the mean time the campaign and which in the course of the election campaign through the SNS, the infinite potential of the growing point than any point spread from the SNS and freedom of election campaign through public election law with regard to the limitation of the diffusion of false facts, awards, a number of problems are likely to occur. You've been in this business and disseminate false guilt disparage precandidacy for true-false, as well. He should be able to reach a specific goal you want to defeat through the dissemination of information which is specified as a crime for this strictly for the fact that disseminate false, rather than to interpret it is the judgment of the Court in that judgment against have been made. Therefore, this strict interpretation of the law and the need to revise or delete before I would like to discuss about. The legislation would repeal the cull of Ron sang first of all point out the issue through analytics. First, the purpose of the data protection Act provides limited interpretation to fit in this world of sin. Secondly, this sin is committed for the purpose of prevention, since the purpose of the objective in this case of sin and the need to interpret strictly. Why I am the Internet space in the case of so-called tweets from followers, this means in some cases done without a lot of the stars because of this, there will be a limit to the punishment of sin, this is obvious. And, in the long-awaited Constitutional Court ensures the freedom of election campaign through SNS and free election in the country, even in the limited sense interpretation opens the chapter of communication is needed. This ensured the freedom of expression will be highly this is a mature civil society that will be imperative.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.

• Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.51-64
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• 2013

정부 주도의 대규모 개발사업은 개발과 환경보전이라는 가치관의 차이, 개발로 인한 공익과 환경 파괴로 인한 환경이익 침해와 같은 공익 간의 상충, 사업으로 예상되는 국익과 개인의 재산권 침해 등과 같은 문제를 초래하는 경우가 많았다. 그럼에도 불구하고 정부는 개발정책과 계획을 수립하고 개발사업을 집행하는 과정에서 발생되는 자연훼손이나 환경파괴, 경제적 타당성, 사회적 문제 등을 객관적이고 과학적으로 조사하거나 제대로 검증하지 않아 갈등이 빈번하게 발생하였다. 이러한 갈등을 해결하기 위한 기존의 연구는 대개 갈등의 원인을 이해관계, 가치관, 사실관계, 제도 측면에서 규명하고 해결방안으로 주로 주민참여와 거버넌스, 전략환경평가, 사회영향평가 등을 제시하였다. 본 연구에서는 한국에서 1980년대 중반이후 주요 개발갈등사례를 개발사업 종류, 갈등당사자, 갈등 쟁점, 갈등 원인, 선거공약 여부, 소송 여부에 따라 정리한 후, 갈등 예방과 해소를 위한 법과 제도를 고찰하였다. 그리고 선거공약 또는 개발정책 및 계획안 구상단계, 개발정책 및 개발계획 수립 단계, 개발사업 시행단계, 갈등 분쟁 발생단계 등으로 구분하여 갈등예방 및 해소방안을 제시하였다. 선거공약 단계에서는 공직선거법상 선거공약서 규정에 국가재정법상 예비타당성분석을 도입하고, 개발정책 및 개발계획 수립단계에서는 전략환경평가와 갈등영향평가의 연계, 전략환경평가과정에 사회영향평가 및 주민참여의 강화, 환경계획과 개발계획의 연계 등을 제시하였다. 개발사업 시행 단계에서는 환경영향평가 과정에서의 주민참여를 강화하고, 개발사업 시행단계에서 갈등이 발생하는 경우 거버넌스 구축과 환경분쟁조정법, 공공기관의 갈등예방과 해결에 관한 규정 등을 근거로 하는 갈등해소방안을 제시하였다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.38
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• pp.211-244
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• 2007

Article 17 and 18 of the Korean Constitution respectively prescribe the violation of individual's right to privacy and the secrecy of wire communication. Meanwhile, Article 20 of the Criminal Code provides that an act which is conducted within the ambit of laws or pursuant to accepted business practices or which does not violate the social norms shall not be punishable. In 1999, the Constitutional Court held that media reports on public matters of public figures must be given strong constitutional protection, and treated differently from reports on private matters of private figures. In accordance with the decision, the Supreme Court has expanded the scope of constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression since 2002. This study analyzes the issue of media liability for publication of illegally intercepted wire communication by a third person. Particularly, it reviews Seoul High Court's ruling on 'X-file scandal' which disclosed intercepted wire communications between notable public figures regarding a slush fund for a presidential candidate. In the light of this analysis, the study concludes that the media reporting of the intercepted communication does not violate social norms of Article 20, and therefore it is entitled to a constitutional privilege.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.4 no.2 s.8
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• pp.1-32
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• 2004

Korean scientific community has recently argued that, in order to attract talented young people to the science and engineering fields, more ranking positions in the governmental office should be filled in by science and engineering majors. In this context, a special attention has been paid to the Chinese case where science and engineering majors have taken the highest places in Chinese political hierarchy. This paper examines historical and social background of the salience of science and engineering fields in modem China. A closer examination shows that the salience of science and engineering fields was resulted by the distinct historical experiences of China-the socialist reform of higher education system and Cultural Revolution. The former shaped the social conviction that humanities and social sciences are less useful than science and engineering fields. The latter even spread the idea that majoring in humanities or social sciences run the risk of political oppressions. Thus, the salience of science and engineering in China is a social phenomenon reflecting an academic hierarchy forced by the radical politics of modem China. Also, the higher proportion of science and engineering majors in the raking governmental officers has been resulted by a unique Chinese political system, in particular the personnel management system of the Chinese Communist Party that emphasizes practical experiences after college graduation. The comparison of the social position of science and engineering majors in China and Korea without taking account of such historical and social background may therefore mislead our understanding of the cause of and counterplan to the decreasing popularity of science and engineering fields in Korean universities.