• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.63-97
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• 2002

Public debate is an essential communication process of our society and now it's carried out generally by television. The purpose of this study is to discuss on the potentialities and limits of TV debate as a public space. First, we examine the way of television's construction of public debate to discover the conventions of the genre. Second, examine its limitation and potentials as an public sphere. We analyse four TV debate programs during one month(June, 2001) using text analysis: format construction, nature of agenda, characteristics of panels and chairman, participation of audience, type of knowledge. The result shows that although numbers of programs are increased, many TV debates not differentiated each other in their format, panel, and contents, and merely reproduce genre conventions. Especially in policy debates, abstract agenda, male-dominated panel, limited participation of audience, and elitism and authoritative are prevailing. The genre's preconceived formulae and fixed convention restrict its own possibility of a participant and democratic public sphere. So, in order for TV debates to function as a open public sphere, to be flexible and re-examinate the proper frame for mass media public sphere.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.79
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• pp.443-469
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• 2024

What kind of publicness is there in oral records? This question is the starting point of this study. To find the answer to this question, this study prepared three questions again. First, what is the public sphere and what is publicness? Second, what is the difference between oral records and other records? Third, has there been a case where oral records created publicness? This study analyzed the public sphere and publicity to achieve the purpose. Prior studies in philosophy, sociology, and politics were referenced. The results of this study are as follows. The results of this study are as follows. First, the core role of the public sphere is to provide citizens with freedom of speech. Second, oral records can record alienated information and facts and enable interaction. This study concluded that this was the publicness of oral records. This study proved this conclusion by analyzing the commentary by life history archivists who worked in the 2021 Digital Life History Archiving project.

• Nuclear industry
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• v.29 no.7
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• pp.25-28
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• 2009

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.55
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• pp.50-73
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• 2011

This paper investigates the effectiveness of Real-Name System on Internet, which has been applied to some Internet service provider bulletin boards in Korea. The goal of the Real-Name system on the Internet is controlling expression of slanderous or abusive language. The effectiveness of the regulation is dependent on the people's perceptions and attitude toward to the legislation. This empirical study examines the antecedents that affect the perceptions and attitude toward the regulation. Further, we investigate the relationships among variables such as internet public sphere participation, attitude to the regulations, and intention to choose detours. Results of regression analysis show that the younger and the more progressive individuals are, the more they oppose the implementation of the law. Also, it was found that people who have more political interest and participate more actively in public sphere via internet, tend to oppose the law. Structural equation models reveal that participation in online public sphere drives negative attitudes about the regulation. In addition, people with negative perceptions about the law tend to choose the detours such as 'cyber asylum' and 'service asylum'.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.243-250
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• 2020

In the movie <12 Angry Men>, the prejudiced gaze of each jury with the title of "reasonable discussion" or "positive critical rationality" based on the theory of public opinion of Habermas constantly appears. Prejudice is a concept that cannot be judged right or wrong in itself, but as a current social and historical atmosphere, it is judged to be a hindrance to communication in the process of communication and public opinion and often causes social problems. Therefore, in this paper, the concept of prejudice is ultimately investigated by projecting Habermas' theory of public sphere in the movie, looking into the prejudices, and examining the prejudice through the discussion of the jury, that is, the process of resolving the conflict. We are going to draw realistic implications through the mediator of film about how to solve problem of 'prejudice' in the real world. As a result of the study, Habermas' ideal public opinion on the 'consensus for the community' and 'universal rationality' according to the theory of public sphere in Habermas appeared in the film, but partially from the complete prejudice by the 'wall of reality' in the film. It has been found that freedom from prejudice is difficult and that prejudice is a necessary evil in terms of mutual understanding and publicity.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-19
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• 2013

Studies on the SNS political participation have covered issues of SNS effect on political participation, electoral campaigns, and the public sphere. Such issues as characteristics of SNS political participation, the characteristics of SNS users, SNS effect on the political participation, active SNS political participants, and the impact on young people's political participation, etc. have been studied in the area of political participation effect. On the election issues, SNS impact on election turnout, voting behavior, and the election results were main research topics. Finally, the research on the public sphere mainly discussed topics of quality of SNS information and social fragmentation phenomenon. What is commonly observed across all the three subjects is that the conflicting claims appear to almost all the topics. These contradictory findings are likely to occur because variables of real politics are not fully taken into account and research variables are not strictly manipulated. We can get more accurate research results in the study of SNS political participation when we conduct cross-national research reflecting the context of real politics and also designing independent variables more in detail and elaborately.

• 월간낙농육우
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• v.22 no.11 s.247
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• pp.134-137
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• 2002

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.226-239
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• 2020

The study seeks to present ways to form and express political opinions while monitoring, regulating and critically accepting the production and distribution of false information and platforms, which are spread channels, through the participation of citizens. First, it logically identified the unfairness of legal regulations on false information. In other words, it is often practically impossible to judge whether false information is false or not, and even false information can sometimes fall within the category of freedom of expression protection. It also revealed that voluntary regulation by platform operators was limited. As an alternative, it was theoretically clear whether civil society should participate in the maintenance and development of democratic public debate sites and create social discourse. The specific method is to find and classify false information and share it with citizens to raise awareness. Second, it forms an autonomous cooperative system with platform operators and others. Third, develop critical media capacity of citizens. Fourth, it responds to producers and platform operators of false information while engaging in community activities as a direct practitioner.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.7-25
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• 2011

The purpose of this paper is to start off a debate in the current situation in which there exists two different logics about a newspaper company expanding their business field to the broadcasting market. In order to analyze the implications of the phenomenon, three points are raised and analyzed. First, Chosun-Ilbo, Jungang-Ilbo and Donga-Ilbo, who had a permission to get into the broadcasting arena, did not make their logic based on the fact while deriving the public opinion to be optimistic. Second, they strictly held their frames in order to support their logics which were an overall deregulation, to stimulate the economy and to create jobs without introducing various perspectives. Third, broadcasting of three major newspaper companies could monopolize the public sphere rather than contributing to the diversity of public opinions against three existing broadcasting companies KBS, MBC, SBS.