• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.280
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• pp.14-15
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• 2000

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.47-77
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to justify the following four points. 1) Both communitarianism maintaining perfectionism and liberalism maintaining state neutralism are wrong. Communitarian liberalism is right. 2) If we accept a standpoint of communitarian liberalism, every state must make its own moral textbook for the achievement of common good. Of course, it dose not mean that a government must be an author of moral textbook. 3) The subjects of unification education and democratic citizenship education must be included in moral textbook. The crucial difference between moral education and civic education lies not in the educational subject but in the educational method. In order to internalize communal values and virtue, moral education prefer reflective internalization to indoctrination. But civic education prefer indoctrination to reflective internalization. 4) An desirable Korean who shares Korean values and virtue, provisional moral truth of Korea is a citizen of two isms, namely nationalism and cosmopolitanism.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.161-189
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• 2011

This thesis aims to examine the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism, which was actively debated post-1990's in the West. The paper will focus on the concepts of morality and ethics of Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" in order to connect the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism to our society's political reality. Specifically, through the introduction of Hegel's point of view, this paper will shed new light co the concept of communitarianism, which was viewed from the perspective of political philosophy within the West post-1990's. Through "Philosophy of Law," Hegel imbues a critical and fundamental meaning to modern ethical-political order. For Hegel, Kant's acceptance of morality has a foundational and compositional meaning for the concepts of law and nation. This paper will discuss this topic within the boundaries of Hegel's morality and ethics and regard this as a chance to look back on our political situation with a regretful introspection. International and national reviewers tend to regard the various perspectives of Hegel's philosophy of law as inspirational. However, it seems that the fundamental introspection of why our reality must adhere to his philosophy is lacking. Based on this concern, the paper aims to examine Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" to apply his perspectives to our political reality for a fundamental self-evaluation.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.40
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• pp.29-60
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to trace the formation process of "parallel provenance" concept in the context of Australia's aboriginal community archives development and draw its implications for contemporary rebuilding of domestic "past affairs-related committee archives". Focused on historical development of aboriginal community archives in Australia, this writing divides its development into three periods: colonial archives, post-colonial archives, and contemporary archives and investigates each period's distinct features in managing and building of aboriginal community archives. First of all, for colonial archives, it pays attention to Australia's archival tradition, which focused on current record-keeping and then development of multiple provenance resulted from this tradition. Second, for post-colonial archives, it examines the appearance of aboriginal people as the subject of documentation category and name indexing on them. Finally, for contemporary archives, it analyzes current activities of Australia's academic world of archival science for overcoming "the otherness" of aboriginal people through conceptualization of "parallel provenance". Conclusively, through current meaning of parallel provenance, this study draws implications for democratic contemporary rebuilding of domestic past affairs-related committee archives, in which historical victims become the subject of archives.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.97-128
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• 2013

Originally confucianism is closer to communitarianism than to individualism. The ideal of confucianism is to realize ethical community. Chu Hsi's theory of the Song dynasty reestablishes the ideal of ethical community and dignitaries(士大夫) take the job to realize it as their own vocation. There are many developed 'family clans and kinsfolk societies', 'local covenants and sacred storehouses' and 'private academies' in the Chosun dynasty as in the Song dynasty. These communities are three kinds of axial confucian community, which are both natural ascriptive groups and voluntary contract groups in nature. Communities of Chosun dynasty are to strengthen the solidarity through friendship and mutual help as well as to cultivate good customs in society. Also these traditional communities are managed by democratic procedures, as these are originally voluntary contract groups. On the other hand, traditional neo-confucian self-training theories like that individual personality should be harmony with general order, or one should pursuit his private interest according to fair principles are the process of sublimation private individual into public citizen.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Quality Management Conference
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• 2009.10a
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• pp.71-75
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• 2009

인류 사회가 Marketing Society로 발전 진화하면서 전통적인 공동체가 해체되었고 19세기 이후부터는 정치적 종교적 학문적 예술적 차원의 공동체가 등장하게 되었다. 그러더니 최근에는 자본주의나 상업주의가 과거에 파괴했던 공동체가 다시 부활하는 양상을 보이고 있다. 공동체에 기반을 둔 소비문화를 바탕으로 Neo Tribalism이나 Consumption Subculture가 등장하고 있다. 그 사이 Marketing Frame은 Product Marketing에서 Brand Marketing으로 발전해 왔는데 그 Brand Marketing을 다시 Relationship Marketing으로 세분화해 볼 수 있다. 본 연구에서는 Consumption Community를 중심으로 이러한 Marketing Frame의 변화에 대하여 고찰하고자 한다.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.169-192
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relations between religious socialism and education of Martin Buber(1878~1965), a theistic existentialist. Buber suggested religious socialism as an alternative to modern capitalist society which has many problems. Buber's religious socialism is based on the communitarianism of Hasidism. Buber considered 'true' socialism must be based on decentralized associations, not based on centralized state apparatuses. For establishing this kind of socialism, human will and mind are the most important. Thus, education takes a very important role in the process of social transformation. According to Buber, education and pedagogy should contribute to overcoming modern society's problems by pursuing the construction of community(true socialist society). For Buber, education for individuals' character and education for building community are not separated but combined. That is, although education takes a main role in the social transformation, it should not be considered just as an instrument for the social transformation. This is the main distinction between Buber's thought and other key socialists' thoughts on social transformation and education, because many of socialists who stress the role of education in the process of social transformation, tend to regard education as an instrument for the social transformation. According to Buber, education can contribute to social transformation without being an instrument for the social transformation. These ideas of Buber on religious socialism and education have important implications for educators and educationalists who hope education contributes to solving problems of modern society.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.6 s.111
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• pp.671-693
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• 2005

This paper is to explore critically environmentalism, especially in terms of environmental justice, suggested or implied in theory of liberalism which has been the ideological foundation of contemporary society. It begins with a brief look at liberal perspective in a broad sense, then interprets in-depth the classical liberalism of J. Locke, libertarianism (esp. R. Nozick) and utilitarianism (including cost-benefit analysis) from the environmental point of view. And finally it considers liberal pluralism and other alternative theories of pluralism, especially communitarianism (esp M. Walzer), postmodern pluralism (esp. I. Young), and cultural pluralism (esp. C. Taylor) in order to overcome limitations of liberal environmentalism and to find out some clues for theory of environmental justice. In conclusion, this paper argues that we need to transfer from liberalism (including liberal pluralism) to critical pluralism in oder to develop a proper understanding of environmental problems and to conceptualize a desirable theory of environmental justice.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.215-240
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• 2006

The purposes of this study is to explore the effect of parents' related variables, children related variables and the familism related variable on the two types of filial piety behaviors, which are the traditional familism type of filial piety and the individualistic type of filial piety. The former is measured by the coresidence with parents, financial support to parents, while the latter is measured by visiting to parents' house and phone calling on parents. The data used in this study are "the national survey for filial piety consciousness" administered by Gyeonggi Cultural Foundation, the 598 married children are analysed. The key findings are followings. The first one is that the attributes related our traditional familism are still the important factors affecting on both the familism type of filial piety and individualistic types of filial piety. The second is that the children who fulfill the traditional familism type of filial piety also do well the individualistic type of filial piety.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.269-281
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• 2016

This article problematizes and interrogates the idea of 'community' which is increasingly important in Korean urban policy-making. For the purpose, this article scrutinizes, and compares, how ordinary citizen participants and civil society activist organizations in a 'community garden' program of Seoul make sense of, utilize, and practice the policy concept. The neo-Faucauldian perspective of 'governmentality' is employed to understand the association between the community-focused policy program and neoliberalism, but Barnett's( 2005) call for 'bottom-up governmentality' is taken seriously in order to avoid any deterministic interpretation. On the basis of this eclectic perspective on governmentality, this article presents empirical findings that may suggest a contestation over community between ordinary citizens and civil society activists. More specifically, ordinary citizen participants prioritize place-based, on-the-ground community experiences that are built on common cultivation practices, whereas civil society activists tend to consider community garden as a teleological governmental technology generative of particular citizen subjects. Civic community garden advocacy as such aims to address social, economic, and spatial problems that neoliberalsim has produced, but it also appears to be in a close association with neoliberal urban policy. Thus, the community activism's meaningfulness lies in its active intervention to neoliberal urban policy, but a gap between ordinary practical achievements and civic activism can be a potential danger to urban community policy. On the basis of this discussion, this article asks more detailed investigations about the taken-for-granted positivity of urban community (re)vitalization programs, and also examinations on whether and how such projects generates emergent tensions between ordinary achievements and policy prescriptions.