• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.123
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• pp.111-134
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• 2012

The article aims to elaborate on the fundamental insights of Hegel's political philosophy from a 'public freedom theory and public philosophy' perspective. The article is based on the understanding that Hegel's theory of freedom desires public freedom, and explains the contemporary meanings of the theory of freedom. The article critiques two subjects based on the interpretation of Hegel's public philosophy-the first is atomistic individualism and the other is the absolute alterity theory supported by Levinas and Derrida. In other words, through this article the author emphasizes that Hegel's public freedom theory clearly illustrates the limitations of atomistic individualism, and goes on to provide a subject theory that includes a dual/multiple theory on 'the other' that is distinct from the Levinas-Derrida approach.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.111-133
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• 2007

Illegal and harmful information on the Internet have been a great concern not only for regulatory authorities, but also all the public institutes, such as public libraries and schools, that provide Internet access service. In particular, for public libraries which play an important role in organizing, opening and providing information resources in the information society, providing Internet access service are indispensible. Therefore, any changes of Internet content regulatory system may have direct effects on services of public libraries. Due to unique characteristics of the Internet, content refutation on the Internet has made a best use of various regulatory methods, ranging from governmental regulation to self-refutation and technical regulatory methods. However, nation by nation. technical regulatory methods on the Internet have been developed in quite different ways. Applying them on public library has been strongly criticised for violating freedom of expression and rights of access to information. This article begins with a theoretical discussion about free speech rights and refutation on Internet. Then it examines filtering software which is one of the most popular technical regulatory methods based on both technical and socio-humanities' prospects and analyses several governments' regulatory approaches to Internet filtering. As a conclusion, issues concerning Internet filtering at public institutes are critically apprised.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.37-62
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• 2014

This study aims to discuss the paradigm shift of the right to know and to analyze the government 3.0 policies of the Park Gun-Hae's administration. The study analyzes the preceding researches on the rights to know and freedom of information. It also defines the concept of the right to know in both broad and narrow senses. Furthermore, the history of people's right to know is analyzed and divided into three different stages. Then, the outcomes and limitations of government 3.0 during Park Gun-Hae's administration are explored. As a result, the study discusses the dangers and the future tasks of government 3.0 in terms of quality, gathering, and security of public information.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.267-302
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• 2013

In recent years, partnership has become a central strategy for welfare provision worldwide. Particularly, civil society organisations have obtained considerable attention as the most accountable and democratic partner for public welfare delivery. Yet the mainstreaming of civil society into welfare policies challenges the conventional nature of civil society as an independent sector, and brings into critical question, how the political position of the civil society sector could be redefined in the new era of multi-sectoral partnership. The purpose of this study is to explore the current debates of state-civil society partnership and to propose three theoretical viewpoints (i.e. the mainstream, critical and alternative perspectives) regarding the role of the civil society sector in partnership. In doing so, this article introduces the key literature and scholars in partnership debates and provides analytical frameworks that researchers can use in examining state-civil society partnership cases.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.24
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• pp.1-31
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• 2010

This article aims to identify organizational factors that influence the performance of implementation of the U.S. Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and to investigate the strength and direction of their effects. Explanatory variables include administrative resources, organizational culture, litigation cost, and the complexity of FOIA requests. The study will analyze quantitative secondary data from official statistics of federal agencies and the 2006 Federal Human Capital Survey as well as qualitative data from semi-structured interviews of FOIA officers. The results of statistical analyses are as follows : FOIA funding significantly affects median processing time and number of requests pending. There is a significant relationship between bureaucratic culture and number of requests pending, but not between bureaucratic culture and number of requests pending. There exists a significant relationship between the cost of FOIA litigation to federal agencies and the performance of FOIA implementation. There exists a significant relationship between the complexity of FOIA requests and the performance of FOIA implementation. This study also has important implication in South Korea, which has been under a sharp confrontation with North Korea for more than 50 years. As illustrated by the conflict between people's right to know and national security during the investigation of recent Sinking of the ROKS Cheonan, efforts should be made to prepare legal and institutional mechanism for freedom of information policy which can maintain a balance between conflicting values as well as efficient information disclosure in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Ceramic Society
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• v.38 no.11
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• pp.973-979
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• 2001

Tin-doped indium oxide (ITO) thin films were deposited using r.f. magnetron reactive sputtering and the electrical properties, such as the resistivity, carrier concentration and mobility, were investigated as a function of the sample position under a given magnetron sputtering condition. The nonhomogeneity of the electrical properties with the sample position was observed under a given magnetron sputtering condition. The resistivity of ITO thin film on the substrate which corresponded to the center of the target had a minimum value, 2∼4$\times$10$\^$-4/$\Omega$$.$cm, and it increased symmetrically when the substrate deviated from the center. The density measurement result also showed that ITO thin film deposited at the center has a maximum density of 7.0g/cm$^3$, which was a relative density of about 97%, and the density decreased symmetrically as the substrate deviated from the center. The nonhomogeneity of electrical properties with the deposition position could be explained with the incidence angle of the source beam alpha, which is related with an atomic self-shadowing effect. It was confirmed experimentally that the density in film affect both the carrier mobility and the conductivity. In the case where the density of ITO thin film is 7.0g/cm$^3$, the magnitude of the mean free path was identical with that of the grain size(the diameter of column). However, in the other cases, the mean free path was smaller than the grain size. These results showed that the scattering of the free electrons at the grain boundary is the major factor for the electrical conduction in ITO thin films having a high density, and there exists other scattering sources such as vacancies, holes, or pores in ITO thin films having a low density.ing a low density.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.80
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• pp.43-88
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• 2024

The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) is a relatively quiet latecomer to the traditional archives of the Western world. Although the United States lacks a long history of organized public records·archives management, it has developed a modern system optimized for the American historical context. This system focuses on the systematic management and preservation of the vast amount of modern records produced and collected during the tumultuous 20th century. As a result, NARA has established a modern archival system that is optimized for the American historical context. The U.S. public records·archives management system is based on the principle that records·archives are the property of the American people and belong to the public. This concept originated during the British colonial era when records were used to safeguard the rights of the colonies as self-governing citizens. For Americans, records and archives have long been a symbol of the nation's identity, serving as a means of protecting individual freedoms, rights, and democracy throughout the country's history. It is natural, therefore, that American life and history should be documented, and that the recorded past should be managed and preserved for the nation's present and future. The public records·archives management system in the United States is the result of a convergence of theories, practices, lessons learned, and ideas that have been shaped by the country's history, philosophies, and values about records, and its unique experience with records management. This paper traces the origins of records and archives in the United States in a historical context to understand the organic relationship between American life and records. It examines the process of forming a modern public records management system that is both uniquely American and universal to the American context without falling into the two forms of traditions that reflect the uniqueness of American history.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.71-94
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• 1990

This paper reviews the rationale of monetary and banking intervention by an outside authority, either the government or the central bank, and seeks to delineate clearly the optimal limits to the monetary and banking deregulation currently underway in Korea as well as on a global scale. Furthermore, this paper seeks to establish an objective and balanced view on the role of the central bank, especially in light of the current discussion on the restructuring of Korea's central bank, which has been severely contaminated by interest-group politics. The discussion begins with the recognition that the modern free banking school and the new monetary economics are becoming formidable challenges to the traditional role of the government or the central bank in the monetary and banking sector. The paper reviews six arguments that have traditionally been presented to support intervention: (1) the possibility of an over-issue of bank notes under free banking instead of central banking; (2) externalities in and the public good nature of the use of money; (3) economies of scale and natural monopoly in producing money; (4) the need for macro stabilization policy due to the instability of the real sector; (5) the external effects of bank failure due to the inherent instability of the existing banking system; and (6) protection for small banknote users and depositors. Based on an analysis of the above arguments, the paper speculates on the optimal role of the government or central bank in the monetary and banking system and the optimal degree of monetary and banking deregulation. By contrast to the arguments for free banking or laissez-faire monetary systems, which become fashionable in recent years, monopoly and intervention by the government or central bank in the outside money system can be both necessary and optimal. In this case, of course, an over-issue of fiat money may be possible due to political considerations, but this issue is beyond the scope of this paper. On the other hand, the issue of inside monies based on outside money could indeed be provided for optimally under market competition by private institutions. A competitive system in issuing inside monies would help realize, to the maxim urn extent possible, external economies generated by using a single outside money. According to this reasoning, free banking activities will prevail in the inside money system, while a government monopoly will prevail in the outside money system. This speculation, then, also implies that the monetary and banking deregulation currently underway should and most likely will be limited to the inside money system, which could be liberalized to the fullest degree. It is also implied that it will be impractical to deregulate the outside money system and to allow market competition to provide outside money, in accordance with the arguments of the free banking school and the new monetary economics. Furthermore, the role of the government or central bank in this new environment will not be significantly different from their current roles. As far as the supply of fiat money continues to be monopolized by the government, the control of the supply of base money and such related responsibilities as monetary policy (argument(4)) and the lender of the last resort (argument (5)) will naturally be assigned to the outside money supplier. However, a mechanism for controlling an over-issue of fiat money by a monopolistic supplier will definitely be called for (argument(1)). A monetary policy based on a certain policy rule could be one possibility. More importantly, the deregulation of the inside money system would further increase the systemic risk inherent in the current fractional banking system, while enhancing the efficiency of the system (argument (5)). In this context, the role of the lender of the last resort would again become an instrument of paramount importance in alleviating liquidity crises in the early stages, thereby disallowing the possibility of a widespread bank run. Similarly, prudential banking supervision would also help maintain the safety and soundness of the fully deregulated banking system. These functions would also help protect depositors from losses due to bank failures (argument (6)). Finally, these speculations suggest that government or central bank authorities have probably been too conservative on the issue of the deregulation of the financial system, beyond the caution necessary to preserve system safety. Rather, only the fullest deregulation of the inside money system seems to guarantee the maximum enjoyment of external economies in the single outside money system.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.50
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• pp.307-337
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• 2017

The freedom of assembly is the fundamental freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution. However, as far as our reality is concerned, the freedom of assembly is guaranteed only when it is under the control of the police, and otherwise it is perceived as an object to be suppressed. Police say even that they will not tolerate even a small illegal law while referring to the "broken window theory". Therefore, regardless of the peaceful nature of the rally, it is too obsessed with 'compliance'. This attitude is causing the citizens who participated in the assembly to be put to the object to be suppressed. This paper analyzes the requirements and current status of police force, focusing on the vehicle-wall-blocking and water cannon as a means of using the police force, which is a recent problem, and suggests ways to improve it. First of all, the installation of the wall cuts off the essential communication function of the assembly by separating the meeting place from the object of protest. Thus, despite the warning for prevention in the face of illegal acts, other than installing a barrier, it should be allowed only in the 'urgent case where there is a risk of causing damage to the life, body or property of the person'. Without this urgency, the vehicle-wall-blocking should not be allowed to be proactive as well as preventive. Secondly, the water cannon is a police force that is likely to harm people's life and body. Therefore, aiming shots, which could pose a significant risk to the human body, should in principle be prohibited. However, considering its risk, it should be supplementary used only when there is no other alternative, only when the direct risk to the legal interest of the other person or the order of public well-being is 'obvious'. In addition, as for the use standard of such a thing, it is necessary to be specified by law.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.1-27
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• 2018

The 10th constitution established in 1987 serves as the theoretical foundation of democracy in South Korea in the 21st century. Respect for human rights, resistance to injustice, and equality consciousness inherent in this constitution do not conflict with the content of Confucian philosophy. This means that the spirit of the constitution of South Korea in the 21st century was formed under the influence of the idea of democracy and Confucian philosophy. However, the 10th constitution attaches importance to the idea of the 'Basic free and democratic order', which was accepted in the Yushin constitution and inherited by the military forces. The Yushin constitution was affected by liberalism that prioritizes freedom over equality rather than supporting the compatibility between freedom and equality. Therefore, policies to expand the interests of the bourgeoisie rather than public welfare or the interests of the public have been implemented frequently. In particular, during the Lee Myeong-bak and Park Geun-hye regimes, many unequal phenomena were mass-produced. Confucian philosophy in the 21st century critically sees this unequal society. Confucian philosophy thinks that a sense of relative deprivation plays a role of alienating humans and emphasizes the importance of equal relationships. In addition, this constitution emphasizes the rule of law. However, the rule of law attaches importance to positive laws when the spirit of the constitution that contains natural law is applied to reality through systems. This rejects autonomous judgments and choices while inducing reliance on heteronomy. These heteronomous laws as such are accompanied by forcibleness. The positive laws as such can degrade humans into passive beings that indiscriminately adapt themselves to frames already set instead of active beings that think freely and creatively. Confucian philosophy regards and criticizes the rule of law as a system that makes humans into a means. Confucian philosophy regards humans as moral beings instead of tools. Confucian philosophy seeks to build a healthy society through morality accomplished through conscious realization of the principles of life. Confucian philosophy regards humans as originally free beings. Therefore, human beings are autonomous beings, not heteronomous beings. According to Confucian philosophy, humans beings that can realize the morality contained in their inner side by themselves to responsibly carry out their own judgments and choices. Therefore, Confucian philosophy, which considers human beings as beings to be trusted instead of beings to be distrusted, attaches importance to the realization of human decency through edification rather than by punishment through the law. This means that human values cannot be kept by the heteronomy termed positive laws but the identity of humans can be maintained by voluntary choices and judgments. As such, the comment of Confucian philosophy on the problems of liberal democracy and positive laws contained in the 10th constitution can be helpful in essentially solving the contradictions of modern South Korean society.