• Journal of Korea Game Society
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.81-98
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• 2013

This article aims to provide an overall picture of the applications of serious games for social changes. Our main goals are to show that game has great potential in delivering messages for social changes and to suggest guidelines for researchers and game developers in designing related games. We synthesized the key concepts of games for change that make them promising through literature reviews and analyzing game lists for social changes. Based on the theoretical investigations, we found that both role-taking and simulation of games are powerful ways not only to influence attitudes toward the other side but also to bring out empathy as psychological mechanism to draw attitude changes and altruistic actions associated with social or political issues.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.159-190
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• 2019

This paper aims to examine to the political unconsciousness of social movies that have caused social repercussions in the 2010s, and to study the social imagination of Korean films at that time. Korean Movies such as (2013), <1987>(2017) and (2017) reflect the ethos of civil society based on common sense and justice. The epic structure was the same as that of ordinary citizens, who move toward a public space (court, square) after awakening their political correctness. More than anything else, the fact that such films were based on "a historical fact" could have been a strategy to avoid censorship in the era of the blacklist. In these social films, courts and squares have become places for democracy. The conservative government of the time was tired of anti-government resistance and the politics of the square. Thus, films from directors and producers blacklisted were difficult to produce. That's why the court in the movie during this period could become a symbolic proxy for the "legitimate" reenactment of the politics of the square, which was subject to censorship and avoidance by the regime of the time. Meanwhile, the square has gradually become the main venue for political films that advocate "historic true stories." The square of the 1980s, which appeared in the movies, will be connected to the Gwanghwamun candlelight square that audiences experienced in 2017. Furthermore, it was able to reach the concept of an abstract square as an "open space for democracy." At the foundation of these works is a psychological framework that equates the trauma of the failed democratic movement of the 1980s to the trauma of the failed progressive movement of the 2010s. Through this study, we were able to see that social political films in the 2010s were quite successful, emphasizing "political correctness" and constitutional common sense. But they also had limitations as "de-political popular films" that failed to show imagination beyond the censorship of the blacklist era.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.150-167
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• 2021

Since the advent of tertiary curriculum, middle school history education has been focused on political history, but many students perceive history as a simple memorization subject and complain about difficulties in abstract learning. The researcher saw this problem as caused by the history curriculum, and carried out this study for the purpose of proposing a revitalization of cultural property education in the middle school history curriculum. First, through the analysis of prior research, the usefulness of cultural property education, such as nurturing creative talent and realizing interactive history classes, was revealed, and the problems of the current political history-centered middle school history curriculum were pointed out. Afterwards, as a result of conducting an opinion survey on middle school 3rd grade students and social studies teachers, it was found that first, both middle school students and their teachers thought that the current political history-centered history had much room for improvement. Second, all groups agreed on the necessity of cultural property education in history education. However, in reality, it was found that it was not easy to sufficiently educate students about cultural property in a political history-centered curriculum. Third, teachers thought that it was necessary to improve the current history curriculum in order to enhance cultural property education. Based on these findings, the researcher suggested an improvement plan for the 2015 revised history curriculum. First, in the 'nature of the subject' section, cultural properties and historical materials should be included, and in the 'objective' section, politics, economy, society, and culture should be included. Contents related to cultural properties should be added to the sub-themes in the 'content system and achievement standards', and cultural properties-related contents should be further reinforced in the achievement standards, 'teaching, learning and evaluation'. It was suggested that this section should include cultural property learning and historical material learning, and guidance on teaching and learning methods of cultural property education should be added. If these aspects are reflected in the 2022 revised curriculum that is currently being developed, cultural property education will be improved, and more lively history education will be provided to students.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.81
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• pp.5-44
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• 2024

This paper is an experience and observation report on the activities of Jeonju citizens, who are 'kleine leutes'. Text or Born-digital materials such as diaries, group chat rooms, memos, and interviews showing citizens' contemporary and daily history (Alltagsgeschichite) were used for this purpose. These civic groups are reading groups we can find easily and they also enjoy walking, hiking, and movies, and so to speak ordinary local people are their members. One team read Choi Myung-hee's "Honbul" for about a year and a half, while another team read several books under the theme of "commons," and enjoyed exploring, exhibiting, or watching movies together. The main text is composed of three parts. First, I looked at the methods and perspectives to examine the daily life of local people. To this end, the views of Detlev Peukert and Alf Lüdtke, who captured the prospects and the possibilities of theories of daily history, and James C. Scott, who provided insight into infra-politics, were reviewed. This work was to find the perspective and method of daily history research that could observe the activities of Jeonju citizens. Second, we looked at the experience of the "Honbool" meeting. The reading of "Honbool" which took place during the period of confrontation with Covid19 began in connection with its intense locality. As the criticism of "a great writer born in our local land" relieved the uncomfortable feelings, the members' critical mind was revealed after Volume3 of "Honbool" and stood out after Volume6. It seemed to show the characteristics of the self-consciousness (Eigensinn) of citizens who choose dynamics rather than being stuck to a specific form of empathy (Betroffenheit). I think it showed the difficulty and hope to face in the description and research of local history at the same time. Third, I observed citizens who gathered on the subject of public land. This meeting showed the actuality and accumulation process of the infra-political capabilities of citizens in Jeonju. Reading-commons did not suffer from 'heart trouble' as a local citizen compared to "Honbool". Rather, the difficulty of related books was an obstacle, and the difficulty was easily resolved. As the meeting progressed, awareness of the commons became more sophisticated and issues and discussions were independently shared with each other, and a wealth of hidden transcripts were accumulated through its practice and problem consciousness. It is difficult to think about modern daily life apart from the capitalist era. More fundamentally, it is here and now in everyday life that humans enjoy or suffer from. All history passes through my body here and now. This is the universality of daily history. It depends on the ability of citizens to create daily history to experience and at the same time maintain the distance of criticism.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.7
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• pp.121-139
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• 2020

A variety of the approaches to the unification of the South Korea and North Korea have been implemented based on both the view of the national-centered unification and that of the reunification of the South and North Korea as a unit of nation through political, economic, military and diplomatics. A culture itself plays a significant role for people to understand one another through communicating and sharing cultural values. At this point, Korean-Wave called'Hallyu' should have various meanings and values for the reunification of South and North Korea. It has been expanded to the world beyond Asia as an icon of the culture. In this situation, North Korea is not exceptional. In other words, North Korea should be influenced by the Korean wave. Sharing a cultural value about Korean-Wave between South and North Koreans would be a way to speed up the reunification by having a common sense about the national identifications. The culture of Hallyu reflecting on the national identification could be helpful to enhance national pride and play a part for curing for the scarlet letters that they have got since the Korea was divided by two parts. The North Korean government's distorted policy to have blamed for the South Korean governing would be challenged if the Korean-wave would be epidemic in the Korean peninsular. In addition, if the North Koreans would be perceptive to the real freedom and universal value for the humanity, it would be more feasible for two Koreas to be reunified than before. In fact, it must serve as a catalyst for the reunification, two Koreas experiencing the Korean wave as a cultural value. As a result, the reunification for the people should have a meaning of the universal value as like everyone in the world can pursue for their own happiness. Through the Hallyu, That is, the change of the people's perception to the reunification will facilitate the reunification of two Koreas more than we expected.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.113-159
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• 2011

The self-segmentation of Seoin(西人) School and the appearance of Soron(少論) School in the 17th century Joseon society has an important meaning in the political history. Soron School(少論學派) had quite different line in their thought and public position from the Noron(老論) School represented by Song Shi-yeol. With such thought and position, Soron School added a vitality to the barren climate of Joseon intellectual society and soon became an important school of it. Especially, the senior leaders of early Soron School shared the culture of discussion and dialogue which was represented by the phrase, "the forest of debate and the hill of argument". Accordingly, Soron School could form an unique academic tradition which was different from other schools. For instance, Park Se-dang(朴世堂), Nam Gu-man(南九萬), Yoon Jeung(尹拯) and Park Se-chae(朴世采) had relatively flexible Conception of Heresy; which was in the same context with the academic position of Soron School that allowed diverse approaches to truth each as the path of justice. Furthermore, the leaders of Soron School continued dialogue and discussion on the wide range of current issues. They deeply sympathized with the Tangpyeong-ron(蕩平論), which was to appoint important government positions equally from multiple schools. They thought that the Tangpyeong-ron(蕩平論) was to avoid the harmful influence of conflicts between schools, the Bungdang(朋黨), and tried to tune and compromise the different opinions of different schools. In fact, the "Hwanggeuk Tangpyeong-ron" (皇極蕩平論) submitted by Park Se-chae was the summarization of the discussions shared by the Soron School leaders. Consequently, the seniors of Soron School practiced their philosophy that "the true academic practice is the communication" by keeping the dialogue with other schools while respecting the difference of each other, rather than staying comfortably in the closed academic fence of uniformity. Such communicative academic practice adopting discussion and dialogue had been succeeded to the second generation of Soron School and it remained as an unique academic tradition of Soron School.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.285-294
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• 2020

"The Man Standing Next" was a 'anger-character movie' that shows a fierce psychological game between the characters. Inspired by this point, it was analyzed the narrative structure of this film based on scene unit applying the 'Five-stage Anger Model' formulated by Lakoff and Kövecses and others. The results showed that the causality and feasibility of the protagonist's anger behavior were highly reflected above the model. In particular, among the five steps, the film-maker spent the longest time on 'anger control' justifying the hero's motivation for punishment or retaliation, while giving the shortest time to 'loss of control' to maximize the urgentness of the punitive actions. The detonator causing his anger at each stage was disposed two to six times each stage with neglect, contempt, arrogance, ostentation, mockery, unauthorized intervention, etc. Sneering of "Chief Security Officer" and insulting of "The President" make the protagonist feel the scorn of a terrible friend-murderer each functioned as a "rage trigger." In conclusion, the film follows the above sophisticated model in its narrative structure. Though it was a political drama that sets up a lot of anger scheme caused from public reasons, it reflects ordinary people's routine anger, which corresponds to 24 percent of the list of Nobaco's Provocation Inventory (PI). The producers elaborately reflected the anger procedure theory and balanced the public and private drivers of rage. It was considered to be derived from the intention to enhance communication with the audience increasing their understanding and aspiration for political movie that are usually heavy and unfamiliar.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.95-103
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• 2022

This study aims to understand a gamer participatory mechanism by comparing Gamer Participation 1.0(Bartz Liberation War) and Gamer Participation 2.0(Truck Demonstration). The process of gamers' political participation is analyzed by applying the communication-mediated O-S-O-R model with the case of gamers' truck protests caused by probability items' issue. This study found out that changes in the social, technological, and discursive layers that constitute the gamer's communication ecology led to diversification of communication channels and changes in the perception of games. Gamers utilized the technological layer of the media environment that presupposes immediate mutual communication, expressed opinions on issues in the mobilization process, and shared the necessity of participation to derive collective mobilization. Through communication, gamers were able to participate in socio-political issues with high participation thresholds. This study is significant in that it discussed the gamers' democratic citizenship and role as issue publics. The study suggests that the need for theoretical and methodological expansion to analyze various participatory cases.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.139-149
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• 2014

This study attempts to explore the inter-media agenda setting effect between television and Twitter based on the framework of the two-step flow theory. Twitter's increasingly important role in political communication can be effectively addressed by examining the process by which Twitter users form their opinions on television debate program. Content analyses of Twitter discussions after television debate of the Korean presidential candidates provided interesting insights into how Twitter's opinion leaders reflect on the televised debates. The results show that Twitter mentions rather focus on personality traits of the candidates while television debates emphasize the candiates' policy issues. Specifically, Twitter users mainly concentrated on the political ideology and morality of the candidates. In sum, Twitter seems to have its own way of influencing the public opinion separately from the television.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.7-34
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• 2014

This essay explores how Leslie Marmon Silko's Ceremony and Storyteller encourage human's sympathetic relationship with the nonhuman animal-Other, paying attention to her posthumanist voices against anthropocentric mistreatment of animals which is inseparable from white Americans' environmental and racio-ethnic subjugation of nature and Natives in the colonialist history of the United States. As a way of dissolving the problematic anthropocentrism and embracing the animal-Other as a fellow creature, Silko employs and transforms Native American oral tradition in her own idiosyncratic posthumanist storytelling. In order to highlight the ethico-political examination of the animal issue in her storytelling, this essay refers to contemporary posthumanist thinkers such as Jacques Derrida, Giorgio Agamben, and Gilles Deleuze who are all in their own ways critically engaged with Western metaphysical anthropocentrism. Arguably, in a similar vein with the posthumanist critics, Silko disrupts the mischievous hierarchical opposition of humans/animals that have directly or obliquely warranted violence against the animal-Other. In order to demonstrate Silko's ethico-politicality concerning the animal issue, this essay inquires her critical perception of humans' misunderstanding (or misbehavior) toward animals in terms of the suffering and death of animals. Besides, Silko's posthumanist storytelling of the animal's gaze (as Derrida notes as an event of revealing human aporia and vulnerability) and "in-between" (as a reification of crossing the boundary of humans/animals) is discussed with the exemplification of Tayo's encounter with a mountain lion and a bear-man Shush. The posthumanist approach to thinking about the animal-Other in Ceremony and Storyteller would shed light on the ethico-political significances of Silko's storytelling in our time in peril of losing the tie between humans and nonhuman animals.