• Korean Journal of Plant Resources
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.401-410
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• 1997

This experiment was conducted to investigate the opimum media, media amount and planting density of nutri-culture for the high quality and yield of wild vegetable, Liguliaria fischeri Turez. The fried rice hull was recognized best media among perlite, sand and fried rice hull for nutri-culture of Ligularia fischeri Turcz. The yield on fried rice hull media at early growing stage was lower, but higher than in other media at late growing stage. Therefore, total yield in fried rice hull media was 15-29% higher than that of the existing perlite media. Growth and yield of Ligularia fischeri Turcz. were not significantly different between medium amounts, therefore considering economical efficiency and stability, the optimum medium amount was 105 $\iota/m^3$, Yield by planting density increased in the high density and 50 plants/$m^2$ was considered as proper planting density in nutri-culture of Liguliaria fishcheri Turcz.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.14-28
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• 2010

By philological geography method for dismantling and reconstituting Buyeo's Palkyung(扶餘 八景), which best signify the image of ancient city Buyeo's landscape, this research is to demonstrate the fact that the place's inertia of certain historic sites has been passed down as a type of geographic code. Titled poems and retrospective poems about Buyeo's Palkyung and its spectacles and landscapes reveal the fact that the splendid and glorious cultural heritage of Baekje had faded but its traces have remained in the each eight views including Nakhwa-am(落花巖), Goran-sa(皐蘭寺), and Jayong-dae(釣龍臺). In addtion, the spectacles and historic sites of Buyeo's Palkyung appear as the symbol of Baekje's fall and loss in the poems. Thus, it can be said that Buyeo's culture and civilization have never escaped from the cultural and historical scars of Baekhe's fall, being dominated by the place's inertia originated from the identity as "Baekje'slastcapital". It is ironical that Buyeo's future development and prosperity are not free from its cultural and historical spectacles which bear the image of the fall of Baekje. 'Older Buyeos' Palkyung(扶餘舊八景)' and, Prior Buyeo's Palkyung(夫餘前八景), originate from nine views of an unknown builder and after the construction of pavilions and towers, 'Subuk-jeong eight views(水北亭八景)' by Heungguk Kim(金興國) and the eight poems of the, Retrospect of Buyeo(扶餘懷古八景), were created. 'Buyeo's later Palkyung(扶餘後八景), which are especially free from the site's inertia are known to have expanded the scope of Buyeo's landscape by deliberately demonstrating spectacles and sites different from those of existing views. Nakhwa-am, Goran-sa, Joryong-dae, Songwal-dae(送月臺), Youngwal-dae(迎月臺), and Pyungje-tap(平濟塔) are all located within a one kilometer radius of Banwol-sung(半月城), Buyeo's palace and the Baekma river(白馬江), Daewang-po(大旺浦), Busan(浮山) in a two kilometers radius. Jaon-dae(自溫臺), Subuk-jeong(水北亭), and Gyuam-jin(窺岩津) are located within a three kilometers radius. Even Chunjeong-dae(天政臺), which are located within a four kilometers radius of Banwol-sung are located alongside the Baekma river. This indicates the fact that these spectacles had not been established temporarily or impromptu but for a long period time by historic retrospect and the inertia of landscape's geographic cycle. In conclusion, the geographic phenomenon of historical and cultural inertia appeared because Buyeo had the geographic message of "fallen, ancient city". Therefore, Buyeo's Palkyung which have constant retrospective inertia is clearly an geographic code effective and helpful to understand not only the characteristics of historic sites and spectacles of Buyeo in the Sabi period but also the quality of the site itself.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.36-59
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• 2021

This study infers the origin and production period of the , which is in the Onyang folk museum, through analysis and interpretation of the Haeju Palgyeong and exploration of the landscapes and traditions contained in the painting. The first collection of landscapes to Haeju was identified as Haeju Palgyeong by Ku Sa-meng (1531-1604). Yoo Man-ju, writing in 1782, referred to it as Go-palgyeong in 『Heumyeong』 while Haeju Palgyeong was defined as Geum-palgyeong (今八景), which is the Haeju Palgyeong in the earliest period confirmed by literature. is 'Boating on the Nam river (南江泛舟)', 'Lotus viewing at Buyongdang (芙蓉賞蓮)', 'Foot washing at Gwangseokcheon (廣石濯足)', 'Seokbyul at Haeunkyo (泣川送客)', 'Fishing at Haeunjeong (東亭釣魚)' and 'Sea view at Namsan( 南山望海)', and the final two contain a picture that contains 'Viewing the moon at Yeonghaeru (瀛海玩月)' and 'Writing contest and Archery at Baeklimjeong (栢林觀德)' The Suyang Chaemi(首陽採薇), Shingwang-jeoljeol (神光霽雪), and Jiseong falls (池城瀑布) of Gopalgyeong, which were excluded from Haeju Palgyeong, are all landscapes unfolding as a grand site of Suyangsan Mountain. is a result of the reorganization of Seunggyeong centered on Eupchi (邑治), away from the Suyangsan area. It has emerged as a seunggyeong of Haeju. The elaborateness of trying to contain the detailed prizes representing Haeju, such as the specialty sake of Haeju, is revealed. Most of the landscapes depicted in are historic and outstanding spots in Haemok, but the scenes of life related to daily life are properly arranged. In addition, Foot washing (濯足), Fishing(釣魚), Doing laundry (漂母), Lotus viewing (賞蓮), Sending guests (送客), Drinking (飮酒), sea viewing (望海), Moon viewing (玩月), Archery (射藝), Poetry (詩作), Drinking tea (飮茶), and Dancing (歌舞) are of various styles. Compared with the Gopalgyeongs, Haeju Palgyeong did not take into account the distribution of landscapes in the four seasons, and the small-sized view was also broken. When considering the time of the construction of Haeunjeong and the deterioration of Yeonghhoeru, it is believed that was produced in the early- to mid-18th century. is considered to be a painting that contributed to strengthening the sense of intimacy with the local people and promoting the pride of Haeju by showing the representative scenery of Haeju, such as scenic spots and customs, away from the ideal utopia.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.166-177
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• 2016

This essay explores the problems with applying the concept of "original form" to natural heritage when it is based on originality and diachronic, historical period. It also suggests an alternative perception that the concept of "original form" can be considered based upon "integrity". First, the conceptual framework for applying the concept of "original form" falls into three types: one that centers on the time point at which heritage originated; another that respects the diachronic characteristics of the concept of "original form"; and the last that bases original form on a particular time after the heritage originated. Second, the national policy for the conservation of natural monuments and scenic sites stayed at the level of consulting the Decree on the Preservation of Treasures, Historical Remains, Scenic Sites, and Natural Monuments of Joseon, under Japanese colonial rule. And after the legal framework was established through enacting and proclaiming of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act in 1962, 564 cases have been designated as natural monuments. Third, the natural conservation movement, the first national policy for natural heritage, was initiated from the heritage field, but the Environment Ministry subsumed all nature-related policies and ever since the heritage agency (Cultural Heritage Administration) has implemented only heritage policies regarding "cultural" heritage. The present state of the coexisting policies about the natural heritage by the Environment Ministry and the Cultural Heritage Administration resulted in leading the public confused about official terms and main policy agency of natural heritage. Fourth, the difficulty of applying the concept of "original form" to natural heritage stems from the fact that natural heritage is inherently distinct from cultural heritage, which is placed at the center of the heritage policies implemented by the heritage agency. In addition, natural heritage, similarly distinct from the overall natural environment, has evolved in a way that incorporates human culture and thus diversely includes characteristics of originality, diachrony, and historical period. Under these circumstances, an incorporative, professional approach is required rather than independent approaches for each type of natural heritage. In conclusion, this essay suggests that issues related to the restoration of original conditions of natural heritage should be resolved through the application of the "integrity" concept by restoring "the characteristics of an object or a place that imbue it with meaning and value," with consideration given to efforts for alleviating logical contradictions within the concept of "original form" through the preparation of standards and guidelines for the restoration of original condition.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.38-49
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• 2021

The maintenance project of the Jeonglimsa temple site started with the objective of restoring the original structure of the temple, however, it was gradually transitioned to a landscaping maintenance project over time that constructs a landscape of the temple area. With paying attention to these facts, this study summarized the characteristics of cultural heritage landscaping of the Jeonglimsa temple site as follows. First, Cultural heritage landscaping is a landscaping act that creates, maintains, and manages landscapes within the spatial scope of the cultural heritage designated under the Cultural Heritage Protection Act and the cultural heritage protection area established around it. It is a work that includes protection and maintenance of the excavated remains, spaces by each function and plans for moving lines, Installation of structures to protect cultural properties, adoption of the facilities and structures for convenience of visitors, and construction of vegetation landscape. Second, the cultural heritage landscaping of the Jeonglimsa temple site has been developed in 5 periods, and these include 'the period of historical site investigation' that the temple name was identified through the designation of cultural assets and excavation investigation by the Japanese rule, 'the construction period of Baekje Tower Park' after the liberation from the Japanese rule, 'the period of Baekje Cultural Area Development Project' designated as a historical site, 'the period of the Comprehensive Development Project for a Specific Area of Baekje Culture',which was proceeded with the establishment of the park and museum instead of restoring the temple building due to the difficulty in gathering the pieces of historical evidence, and 'the period of the Jeonglimsa temple site restoring project', which was designated as a World Heritage Site while restoring the buildings deployment in the Buddhist temple at the time of foundation era of Baekje Dynasty. Third, this study verified the landscape changes of the Jeonglimsa temple site that have been transitioned, for instance, the creation of a commemorative park linked to the outer garden of Buyeo Shrine, the implementation of urban planning of the Japanese colonial era, the creation of a protective environment for the excavated historical structures and temple area, the restoration of building deployment in the Buddhist temple, and the sincerity restoration and utilization of cultural assets. Fourth, the landscape of Jeongnimsa temple site is determined by the subject and scope of cultural property designation, land use, movement lines and pavement, repairing methods of remains, structures, facilities, and vegetation. The characteristics of the cultural heritage landscape of Jeongnimsa Temple were derived, such as creating a procedural landscape considering the expansion of the cultural heritage designation scope, securing authenticity by maintaining relics in consideration of reversibility, creating a vegetative landscape suitable for historical and cultural landscapes, and enhancing the value of cultural heritage enjoyment by providing an open space.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.22-49
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• 2021

Bowonsa Temple (普願寺) is located to the north of Gayasan Mountain in Unsan-myeon, Seosan-si, Chungcheongnam-do Province. The cultural properties it enshrines were produced during the late Unified Silla and early Goryeo periods, and include an Iron Seated Buddha. The Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum planned a survey on historical remains in Chungcheongnam-do Province during the early Japanese colonial era, and a field survey was conducted at the Bowonsa Temple site in 1916 (Taishō 5). During this survey, the sculpture of the Iron Seated Buddha (knee: width 212 cm x thickness 167 cm) was found enshrined in a hut. The sculpture was moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace in the following year. However, it is clear that the colossal Iron Seated Buddha was being housed at the Bowonsa Temple site at the start of the Japanese colonial era. This Iron Seated Buddha is presumed to have been produced in 955 by State Preceptor Beopin Tanmun (法印國師 坦文, 900-975). Tanmun was born into an influential family that produced many high officials. He became a leading figure in the Hwaeom (Flower Garland) school of Buddhism under the patronage of King Taejo. He also led Buddhist events at the Goryeo royal court during the reigns of King Hyejong (惠宗, r. 943-945) and King Jeongjong (定宗, r. 945-949). With the emergence of Gyunyeo (均如, 923-973), who was sponsored by Queen Daemok (大穆王后, dates unknown) of the Hwangbo clan (皇甫氏), Tanmun was transferred to Bowonsa Temple far from Kaesong. However, even while there Tanmun strengthened his ties with his supporters under the patronage of the Chungju Yu clan. He appears to have produced this colossal sculpture of Iron Seated Buddha as a prayer for longevity and a happy life for King Gwangjong (光宗, r. 949-975). The inscription on the Stele of State Preceptor Beopin at Bowonsa Temple Site that reads "[I] created a Buddha triad in gold" also suggests the Iron Seated Buddha was produced at Bowonsa Temple. This Iron Seated Buddha is thought to have been enshrined originally in a hall at Building Site No. 3 within the Bowonsa Temple precinct. Since excavations at the temple site have revealed that the temple's main hall was erected in the Joseon period, the Iron Seated Buddha might have been enshrined in a different hall at the time of its creation. It is likely that the sculpture was placed in a hall at Building Site No. 3 since Goryeo-era roof tiles and porcelain have been frequently excavated there and the remains of a square Buddhist altar have survived at the site. At the time of its creation, the Iron Seated Buddha was likely enshrined in a Goryeo-era hall at Building Site No. 3 but was transferred to the main hall during a rebuilding project undertaken at Bowonsa Temple in the Joseon period.

• Journal of Korean Port Research
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.35-46
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• 1998

The CY can be said to function in various respect as a buffer zone between the maritime and overland inflow-outflow of container. The amount of storage area needed requires a very critical appraisal at pre-operational stage. A container terminal should be designed to handle and store containers in the most efficient and economic way possible. In order to achieve this aim it is necessary to figure out or forecast numbers and types of containers to be handled, CY area required, and internal handling systems to be adopted. This paper aims to calculate the CY area required for each container handling system in Mokpo New Port. The CY area required are directly dependent on the equipment being used and the storage demand. And also the CY area required depends on the dwell time. Furthermore, containers need to be segregated by destination, weight, class, FCL(full container load), LCL(less than container load), direction of travel, and sometimes by type and often by shipping line or service. Thus the full use of a storage area is not always possible as major unbalances and fluctuations in these flow occuring all the time. The calculating CY area must therefore be taken into account in terms of these operational factors. For solving such problem, all these factors have been applied to estimation of CY area in Mokpo New Port. The CY area required in Mokpo New Port was summarized in the conclusion section.