• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.169-200
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• 2008

노동계급은 다양한 형태의 내적 이질성을 지니고 있으며, 신자유주의 경제정책과 구조조정 과정에서 고용형태에 따른 이질성은 계급균열로 발달하며 노동계급 내적 이질성 논의의 핵심을 구성하게 되었다. 국내의 선행 연구들도 정규직과 비정규직 사이의 물질적 존재조건의 양극화 추세와 사회적 관계의 위계적 배제적 성격을 확인해 주고 있다. 하지만 정규직과 비정규직 사이의 계급균열이 극복되고 노동계급의 내적 통합과 계급형성 과정을 이룰 수 있는지에 대한 논의로 발전하지는 못했다. 본 연구는 계급균열의 극복과 노동계급 통합의 가능성을 검토하기 위해 계급균열의 핵심인 비정규직 노동자 문제를 둘러싼 정규직 비정규직의 의식 수준의 비교연구를 실시한다. 본 연구는 민주노총 공공운수연맹 노동조합원들에 대한 설문조사와 심층면접 연구를 통해 계급균열의 존재를 확인하고 그 원인과 의미를 분석하였다. 첫째, 정규직과 비정규직 노동자들은 비정규직 문제에 대한 인식을 공유하고 있지만 구체적 해결책에 대해서는 입장 차이를 보임으로써 고용형태에 따른 계급균열은 존재하며, 경제위기 이후에도 해소되지 않고 고착화되고 있음을 확인시켜 주었다. 둘째, 고용형태에 따른 계급내적 균열이 비정규직 문제 인식과 추상적 원칙 수준에서는 유의미한 의식 차이를 보이지 않지만 비정규직 문제 해결을 위한 구체적 해결책에 대해 유의미한 입장 차이를 보이는 것은 정규직과 비정규직 사이의 물질적 이해관계의 차이 때문이다. 정규직 노동자들은 비정규직 노동자들의 고용안정성과 노동조건의 개선을 허용하더라도 자신들의 이해관계가 위협받지 않는 수준에서 이루어져야 한다고 보는 것이다. 셋째, 정규직 노동자들이 추상적 원칙 수준에서는 비정규직 노동자들과 동질성을 보이지만 구체적 대안에서 차별성을 보이는 것은 정규직 노동자들의 의식의 양면성을 표현하는 것이며, 물질적 이해관계에 기초한 개인적 수준의 합리성과 계급적 원칙에 기초한 계급적 수준의 합리성이 갈등하고 있는 것이다. 넷째, 정규직 노동자들의 주관성 속에서 개인적 합리성과 계급적 합리성이 갈등하는 정도는 노동조합 가입 여부 및 소속 노동조합의 정체성, 즉 이익집단 정체성 혹은 계급조직 정체성에 의해 결정된다. 여기에 계급조직 정체성을 지닌 민주노조들이 노동계급 계급균열을 극복하고 계급형성을 이루는데 기여할 수 있다는 실천적 함의가 있다.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.51 no.8
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• pp.123-139
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• 2001

본고는 공간, 시간, 계급, 종교 등 하위문화 텍스트의 병행인용 즉 상호텍스트성(intertextuality)을 통해, 20세기 대중 문화의 상징 마돈나 뮤직 비디오와 공연 등의 인체, 의상, 이미지 등에 나타난 포스트모던 정체성을 연구함으로써, 현대 미디어 문화를 관통하는 주체적 여성 정체성과 미적 주관성을 이해하고자한다. 첫째, 상호공간텍스트성 복식은 스패니쉬룩. 태국룩. 게이샤룩, 테크노펑크룩, 테크노 카우걸룩 등의 동서양의 지리적 소외감을 통해 비권위적 다양한 시선을 제시함으로써, 다국적 자본주의와 함께 확장된 미적 체험을 하게 한다.; 둘째, 상호시간텍스트성 복식은 중세 엠파이어 드레스, 18세기 로코코시대의 robe'a la francaise, 미래적 제 3의 종 룩 등 동시적 몽환적 이미지를 통해 유희적 유토피아를 지향하였다.; 셋째, 상호계급텍스트성 복식은 그라피티룩, 펑크룩, 키치룩, 먼로 룩, 보깅(voguing), 에비타 룩 등 상하류층, 하위문화, 빈부, 권력의 유무를 병행인용하여, 좋은/나쁜 취향, 창녀/성녀 이분법을 해체하고 반부르조아적 저항과 물질주의를 찬양하는 탈계급적, 양면적 정체성을 구축하였다. ; 넷째, 상호종교텍스트성 복식은 상징적 가부장인 카톨릭교 텍스트를 인용하여 펑키크리스찬 룩, 에로틱 크리스찬 룩 등의 선/악, 신성성/관능성, 미추, 정숙성/비정숙성의 이분법, 비장미를 해체함으로써 예술의 자율성, 무의식이 강조된 쾌락주의적, 반권위주의적 정체성을 주장한다. 섹슈얼리티에 있어, 시선, 권력, 쾌락의 주체가 됨으로써, 미적 범주에 있어 선악, 미추, 정숙성과 비정숙성의 이분법을 해체함으로써, 유동적 자아를 구성한 마돈나 의상의 포스트모던 정체성은 여성에게 확대된 가능성을 제공하며 내부로부터 해체된 열린 복식을 지향한다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.68
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• pp.87-129
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• 2014

This paper addresses questions on the marginalized position of youths of 'Gangbuk' and elucidates how they construct their own identities in the individual trajectories of everyday life. Three years of research, including participatory observation and in-depth interviews, was conducted on nine students from Northeastern district of Seoul. The research also adopted reflexive photography interview method in order to encourage the informants to actively participate in the research. The result illustrates the diversity of the everyday life experiences. More 'marginalized' youths from middle to lower class background had to endure the burdens of their daily lives without programs. Still, they were elaborating their own cultural taste and positive self-narratives at the periphery of the mainstream culture, by practicing music, online community activities and bodily performances. They had to negotiate the crucial turn of life after their graduation, when they entered into the harsh social competition with limited resources. We observed how they gradually assimilate the identity of the 'working youth', some of them developing a positive valorization of their experiences labor. Findings underline the active role of the cultural practices in the making of class identity of the youth and the necessity of researches situating the making of class identity and the reproduction of the class for the youth in the larger geography of class culture in the contemporary Korean society. Lastly, it is argued that these youths should not be considered as determined subjects, who reproduce already established class identities, but as active agents of their lives who deserve more respects and attentions from the society.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.185-201
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• 2015

This paper suggests how Korean housemaids, called Sikmo, and Korean-Chinese migrant domestic workers have similar class positions and therefore form a dual identity in their interactions with female employers. rough spoken stories of the experiences of 27 females from Seoul, including Korean-Chinese domestic workers, Korean housemaids, and their employers, this research effectively overcomes the dichotomous discourse of natives versus foreigners. Instead it suggests the new interpretation that it is not foreignness but class inferiority of the domestic workers that plays a key role in establishing relationships with employers. Korean housemaids and Korean-Chinese domestic workers, both groups of whom are migrant workers, have developed coping strategies to enhance their labor value by spatially relocating themselves from their home society to a new society. They possess a similar labor status in women's history, being of low income, low education, and rural births. Consequently, these women experience 'translocal anchoring,' meaning their identities are intertwined with that of their home societies, and employers perceive them based on the characteristics of these places. The Korean employers perceive that the domestic workers' morality and intellectuality are inferior based on their class differences. This stigmatizing process leads employers to regard domestic workers as ambivalent people, not only threatening outsiders but also objects of pity, needing love and protection of their employers. The employers educate them culturally, teaching them skills to survive in the urban environment. These skills include cooking and language, in addition to advice on long-term plans to blend into society.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.157-196
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• 2018

This study analyzes non-standard workers' attitudes and behaviors towards standard workers' strikes using the case of a joint strike held by journalists at KBS and MBC in 2012. Tracing the process since 2008 by which a conservative government has tried to control the press and regular journalists have collectively resisted against it, we put our analytical focus on two major groups of freelance broadcast professionals: independent producers and writers in current affairs. Specifically, we examine 1) how they perceived and responded to a series of regular journalists' struggle to protect journalistic value, 2) how such perception of and response to regular journalists could be developed, and 3) how (de)solidarity could form and then deepened between freelance and regular journalists in the 2012 Media Strike. Our findings show that the ways in which regular journalists had controlled freelance journalists at work affected the relationship between class-based and occupation-based rationality freelance journalists held in their minds. Independent producers, who had developed a strong class-based rationality in response to the coercive input-output control, showed cynicism about regular journalists' strike pointing out their hypocrisy and contradiction. In contrast, freelance writers accommodated and joined the strike by regular workers in the spirit of solidarity based on occupational rationality which had developed from normative, process control. Our paper ends with theoretical and practical implications.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.111-125
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• 2010

For a shift to a new paradigm that allows restoring solidarity among class, gender, and race, it is necessary to closely investigate the differences between Marxist view and poststructuralist view which provide theoretical basis for labor movement and for feminist movement, respectively. However, little effort has been devoted to this task. This paper critically compares two best wellknown geographers; Harvey's class-centered theory and Gibson-Graham's post-structuralist feminist approach by focusing on their understandings of "difference". David Harvey argues that racial/gender discrimination is another form of class-exploitation and puts priority on the solidarity based on the commonality of labor. On the contrary Gibson-Graham argues that the privileging of class above all else marginalizes other political dimension, and proposes the deconstruction of hegemonic discourse of capitalism and the construction of "community economies", Based on the critical survey of both theories, I propose that understanding the role that spatiality plays in capital accumulation process is the key to compromise two different approaches.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.158-170
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• 2013

With the recent 'Creative economy' and 'Cultural prosperity' coming to the fore as a new code to build up a city or a region, it is necessary to focus on strengthening the regional creative capacity as well as developing spontaneous regional culture. In such trend this research aims to explore the Kyunglidan-gil, Seoul, Korea in which creative-class are appearing autogenously in clusters and forming new cultural landscape, to identify the factors of their accumulation and changing aspect of cultural landscape. This study has the following purposes: First, Investigating the historical context of the Kyunglidan-gil's landscape. Second, considering the process of the creative-class being flowed into the Kyunglidan-gil as the subject leading to the modification of the region. Third, their activity was analyzed to consider the unique aspect of forming the cultural landscape at the Kyunglidan-gil. Regarding why the creative-class should flow in, results of the study drew five factors including region in issue compared to inexpensive rents, coexistence with nature, quiet atmosphere seeming isolated from the urban confusion, location possible to test and share individual materials one likes, and a site with synergy effect of activity through the network with acquaintances. Also, five characteristics of cultural landscape forming by the people's activity were drawn - space of communication for increasing creativity, temporary and flexible spatial use, expression of one's identity and taste, distinguishing, and positive use of the existing facilities. Like this, by exposing the 'creative-class', a subject of the leader in changing process of the Kyunglidan-gil, this research identified the aspect of forming cultural landscape.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.261-290
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• 2009

The primary purpose of this study is to explain the changing nature of Korean Democratic Labor Party, namely the revealed characteristics contrary to the party's original identity, based on empirical framework of so-called "Korean Democratic Labor Party' as a Parliamentary Party". This paper focuses on the unanticipated phenomenon that Korean Democratic Labor Party, in spite of its expectancy as an alternative party model to overcome the challenges of Korean party politics, has lost its characteristics as a mass party but has revealed the characteristics of parliamentary party since it took parliamentary seats in National Assembly.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.179-204
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• 2017

Hojil(虎叱) and Yangbanjeon(兩班傳) reveal the characteristic styles of Park Jiwon(朴趾源)'s writing, which is combining styles of unofficial history/biography(外傳) and allegory(寓言), and full of the senses of satire and humour which form another characteristc of his writing style or tone. This paper reexamines narrative styles, meaning structures and themes of these two works which combine the styles of unofficial history/biography and allegory, and researches methods and techniques of allegory and satire which presents the subversive and critical themes and thoughts of the author. In Hojil, combining of the two styles, the author constructs the narrative world and plot, manipulates allegoric figures to symbolize and present multilayered meaning, and criticize the decadence of confucian aristocracy [Sadaebu: 士大夫] and it's abuses. In Yangbanjeon by combining of two styles, the author weave a biography of Yangban(兩班) in general, which presents the attributes and historical position of the Yangban class. And by the nonsensical fictional event which caricatures crisis of the Yangban class, and tedious description of the manners and behaviors of the Yangban, the author and satires the snobbery of the Yangban and the absurdity of their classical privileges. As he did in Hojil, the author urges the self-examination of the reader raising a question about the position and the function or duty of the Yangban class in the changing world. And the various skills of satire together with the irony, paradox, parody and pun were used dexterously in above two works.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.173-202
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• 2021

During the Korean War, China dispatched 'the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group to North Korea 3 times. The purpose of the comfort group was to comfort the Chinese People's Supporting Soldiers and Joseon People's Army fighting the US imperial forces and at the same time, inform them of China's situation to booster their morale. Another purpose was to promote the socialism construction projects in the new China. Namely, China wanted to propagate various heroic achievements of the Chinese soldiers and accuse the US imperialist soldiers and thereby, inspire Chinese people's international sense and patriotism for the new China to mobilize the people for the war and promote the construction of the new China effectively. The comfort group consisted of diverse classes (laborers, farmers, intellectuals, women, students, soldiers, etc.) in various areas such as politics, military, ethnic, society, culture, education, etc. Their activities were conducted in various forms such as consolation, legwork, meeting and performances. Their activities were full of anger and compassion, sacrifice and emotion, battle and romance, impression and comfort. Such emotion was delivered intact to the Chinese people through the comfort group's propaganda activities back home in China. The Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group revealed their identity of socialists New China in terms of their organization and their specific performances. Their identity claimed for democracy and equality, internationalism empathizing world peace and solidarity of the proletariats, and patriotism supporting the communists regime. The comfort group played a role in propagating such identity of new China effectively by crossing the border. It was a political and cultural performance that stipulated the political meaning of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Chosun Comfort' group