• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.115-131
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• 2020

Through literature research and field investigation, this paper attempts to study the distribution, morphology and the typification of the visual and perceptual stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok of China. The results are as follows: First, there are 350 stone inscriptions in total from the 1^st Gok to 9^th Gok in Wuyi-Gugok. Second, according to the analysis of the stone inscription distribution, 74(21.2%) stone inscriptions in the 5^th Gok, 67(19.2%) in the 6^th Gok, 65(18.6%) in the 1^st Gok, 60(17.2%) in the 2^nd Gok and 53(15.2%) in the 4^th Gok are confirmed. The above five Goks contain 319(91.1%) stone inscriptions, so they have rich cultural landscape. Third, according to the survey, the number of the stone inscriptions existed in the Sugwangseok of the 1^st Gok are 41(22.6%), in the Homagan of Cheonyubong of the 6^th Gok are 29(8.3%), in the Jesiam of the 4^th Gok are 23(6.6%), in the Nyeongam of the 2^nd Gok are 22(6.3%), in the Hyangseongam of the 6^th Gok are 21(6%), in the Unwa of the 5^th Gok are 19(5.4%), in the Bokhoam of the 5^th Gok are 18(5.1%), in the Eunbyeongbong of the 5^th Gok are 17(4.9%), in the Daejangbong of the 4^th Gok are 14(4%), in the Daewangbong of the 1^st Gok and the Geumgokam of the 4^th Gok are 12(3.4%). Thus, a total of 228 (65.1%) stone inscriptions are concentrated in these 11 sites, which represent the popularity and cultural value of these rocks. Fourth, the stone inscription of Wuyi-Gugok, praising the landform and topographical geological landscape of Mount Wuyi, mainly describe the scenic name of each Gok related to Zhu Xi's Gugok culture, appreciate Zhu Xi's tracks and the stone inscription in the sacred land of Neo-Confucianism culture, and also record the Confucian edification of mencius thoughts, Muigun(武夷君) and the myths and legends related to the site names of Wuyi mountain, which can remind people of the worldview of the celestial paradise where the gods live and the fairyland of the land of peach blossoms. In addition, it indicates that the historical and cultural landscape, which is full of colorful history and myths and legends, including allusions related to Confucian, buddhist and Taoist celebrities and the ancestor ancient things related to traditional culture of China is very diverse. Fifth, the results of the classification, based on the content of the stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok, are classified as the scenery name inscription, the praise scene inscription, the recording travel inscription, the recording event inscription, the philosophy inscription, the expressing emotion inscription, the religion inscription, the inscription for auspiciousness, the slogan and expressing ambition inscription and the official document notice inscription, among which there are 102(29.1%) praise scene inscriptions, 93(26.6%) scenery name inscriptions and 61(17.4%) recording travel inscriptions. The stone inscriptions of Wuyi-Gugok have the characteristics of the special emphasis on scenery names, landscape praise and commemorative tours. Sixth, the analysis of the intertext between the 「Figure of Wuyi-Gugok」 and Wuyi-Gugok rock letters, in the study found that the method of propagation between media was mostly the method of propagation of quotations and maintained intermedia through extension, repetition, extension, and compression.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.157-174
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• 1998

A survey was conducted to study the influence of socia-demographic factors on health-related behaviors. from June 1 to July 31, 1996. The study population was 1,903 adults in Kyongju City. A questionnaire method was used to collect data. Health-related behaviors included 24 items for men and 26 items for women. The followings are summaries of findings : The compliance of health promotion activities was higher when the age was older in men, when married, when having no religion and when the education level was higher than the other groups. And it was significantly higher when the income was lower in men and higher in women, in the residents living in apartment, in white collar workers, in the chronic ill people and when the body weight was lower than the other groups. Notable differences were found in the composition of health behavior factors for socio-demographic characteristics. Men used more tobacco, coffee and tea, salt and alcohol than women. However, the practice rates of regular exercise and physical examination were higher in men than women. On the other hand, the practice rates of fruit/vegetable intake, milk drinking and regular tooth brushing were higher in women than men. When the age was old, the amount of fruit/vegetable intake, the frequency of physician visit and health check-up, and regularity of meal were increased. When the income was high, the use rate of seat-belts, the amount of coffee, milk, fruit/vegetable and red meat intake were increased. The frequency of regular exercise. tooth brushing, health check-up, pap test and breast self examination were higher in the rich than the poor. When the education level was high, the frequency of regular exercise and tooth brushing, and the use rate of seat belts were increased, and the amount of alcohol consumption and salt intake were decreased. These findings suggest that socio-demographic factors are significantly associated with the patterns of health behaviors. In conclusion public health programs and individual counseling efforts should be multifaceted and behavior-specific to encourage to practice healthy life-style.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.81-103
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• 2001

This study was conducted to identify the health behavior of middle-aged rural women and the factors that have an effect on them. For the purpose of the study, examinations were made from March 01, 2000 to March 31, 2000 with 468 women aged 40 to 64 out of 2,263 people whom four Primary Health Posts located in Yechon County, Kyongsangbuk-do Province, are in charge of. The results are summarized as follows. 17.5% of the subjects responded that the extent of their own interest in health were high. For the subjects having a chronic disease, a nuclear family, or an open family atmosphere, the extent appeared to be relatively higher, 15.4% responded that the extent of family's interest in their health was high. It was significantly high if the extent of education was high or if the family atmosphere was open. The subjects' average score of self-efficacy was 49.9 out of 68. The score significantly varied depending on religion, education, living together with a spouse or not, and the extent of the subjects' interest in health. The family pattern, family atmosphere, family's interest in the subjects' health were the variables that significantly influenced the self-efficacy. The average score of family function was 5.51 out of 10. The score significantly varies depending on age, education, occupation, financial status, the extent of the subjects' own interest in health, family atmosphere and family's interest in the subjects' health. In the practice of health behavior, the nonsmoking rate was 89.5%, the nondrinking rate 63.0%, the rate of exercising practice 6.6%, the rate of normal sleeping 75.6%, the rate of eating breakfast 91.7%, the rate of not eating between meals 18.2%, and the standard BMI 69.2%. In the frequency of health behavior, the subjects with the Breslow Index of 0-3, 4-5 and 6-7 accounted for 4.5%, 53.2%, and 42.3%, respectively. The average score of health behavior was 5.20 out of 7, in which significant variables were living together with a spouse or not, financial status, absence or presence of a chronic disease, and family atmosphere. In the multiple regression analysis with health behavior as a dependent variable, it was shown that living together with a spouse or not, financial status, and family atmosphere were the significantly substantial variables. The subjects were found to do health behavior well if they had not a spouse, a good financial status, or an open family atmosphere. They were also found to do health behavior well if the extent of self-efficacy was high or if the extent of family function was low, but these were not the significant variables. It is needed to develop a standard measuring tool fit for our environment and perform more studies in the future because the measuring tool used in this study was a tool developed in a foreign county. In promoting community health projects, it is required not to provide all community people with a uniform health program but to identify the health behavior of individuals and other variables such as living together with a spouse or not, financial status and family atmosphere before arranging for a proper health program.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.65-83
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• 2000

To know the relationship of general characteristics with activities of daily living(ADL) and instrumental activities of daily living(IADL), we carried out the study on the elderies living in Chollabuk-Do area during 6 months, from June to December in 1999. Study subjects were 281, women and men were 195(69.6%) and 85(30.4%) respectively. Mean ages of women and men were 71.9 and 70.8 respectively. 81.1% elderies has disease and 18.9% were disease free. Disease prevalences of movement joint disease, others, circulatory disease, digestive disease, dental disease, respiratory disease were 50.1%, 25.0%, 10.5%, 9.4%, 8.5%, and 6.3% respectively. The percentages to the use of medical institution in recent were 40.0% for hospital, 16.8% for oriental hospital, 14.5% for public health center, 10.9% for drug store, 10.0% for others, and 7.8% for dental service. The percentages to the improvement of symptom after the use of medical institution were 62.3% for normal, 19.4% for improvement, and 18.2% for non-improvement. The percentages to the health situation were 37.1% for bad, 35.7% for good, and 27.1% for normal. Activities of daily living were 67.1% for 6 scores, 27.9% for 5 scores, 2.1% for 4 scores and ADL of women was lower than the men's. Instrumental activities of daily living were 50.4% for 5 scores, 19.3% for 3 scores, 12.1% for 4 scores and IADL of women was lower than the men's. Frequencies of disability in ADL were 28.9% for incontinence, 6.1% for bathing, 2.9% for meal, 2.5% for walking around house, 1.8% for toilet use, 1.4% for dressing and disability frequencies of women in 6 items of ADL were higher than the men's. The percentages of high, intermediate, low ADL in activities of daily living were 67.1%, 32.5%, 0.4% respectively and decrease of high ADL, increase of intermediate ADL were found with the increasing of age. Frequencies of disability in IADL were 42.9% for payment in and out, 31.8% for payment of written claim, 21.1% for shopping, 16.4% for preparation of meal, and 11.8% for use of bus. All items of women in IADL was higher than the men's but preparation of meal. The percentages of high, intermediate, low IADL in instrumental activities of daily living were 50.4%, 42.5%, 7.1% and decrease of high IADL, increase of intermediate IADL were found with the increasing of age. Mean of ADL with the general characteristics was 5.56 and 2 variables of level of education, health situation were statistically significant. Mean of IADL with the general characteristics was 3.76 and 8 variables of age, sex, level of education, occupation, presence of spouse, duty of living cost, health situation, category of ADL were statistically significant. With the result of stepwise regression, ADL was statistically related with religion, health situation and ADL was statistically related with level of education, living together with family, duty of living cost, health situation.

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.20 no.4 s.112
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• pp.50-59
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• 1981

간호학생들이 당연하고 있는 문제점 미래의 간호학생들이 교육문제를 논하기 위하여는 간호학생들이 가지고 있는 문제점을 파악하고 또 이해하는 것이 우선순위가 될 것이다. 간호학생들이 문제점에 대한 연구는 한국에서 뿐아니라 미국에서도 꽤 많이 시행되어져 왔으며 특히 간호학과정에서 중간 탈락되는 중퇴자들에 대한 연구들 중에 이러한 문제점에 대해서 언급한 것이 많다. 고등학교를 졸업하고 곧 대학과정에 진학한 학생들을 대상으로 조사 보고될 Munro의 자료에 의하면 전문대학과정에서 27$\%$, 대학과정에서는 41$\%$의 간호학생들이 간호학과정에서 중간 탈락하고 있음이 보고되고 있다. 이들이 중간탈락하는 데에는 여러 가지 이유가 있으나 그 중 ''간호학에 흥미를 잃어서''가 가장 큰 이유로 보고되고 있다. 이곳 한국사회에서도 역시 비슷한 현상을 보이고 있다. 그러나 대학입시경쟁과 대학내에서의 전과가 거의 허용되지 않는 특수여건이기 때문에 학교를 중간 탈락하는 율은 미국이 보고만큼 높지는 않으나 역시 ''간호학에 흥미를 잃는다''는 것이 간호학생들의 가장 큰 문제점으로 대두되고 있다. 최근 한국에서 시행된 간호학생들에 관한 연구(표 1 참조)에 의하면 간호학생들의 학문에 대한 만족도는 조사자의 35$\~$50$\%$정도에 불과하였고 더우기 이 비율은 고학년에 올라갈수록 더욱 감소되고 있는 경향을 보이고 있다. 한국에서 시행된 어느 연구보고에 의하면 간호학에 실망했다고 생각하는 학생이 전체의 67$\%$였으며, 다른 학교로 전과를 희망한 경험이 있다는 학생이 71$\%$나 되는 것으로 보고되고 있다. 그러나 왜 흥미를 잃게 되는지 그 이유에 대하여 설명해 주는 연구는 많지 않았다. 미국의 한 저자는 간호학생들이 간호학에 흥미를 잃게 되는 원인을 간호원의 역할에 대한 이해가 정확하지 못한 것과 졸업 후 진로기회에 대한 인식부족 때문이라고 추측하고 있다. 간호학에 흥미를 잃게 되는 이유는 크게 다음의 세 가지로 분류 요약될 수 있다. 첫째, 간호학을 전공으로 택한 동기이다. 간호학의 특수성으로 인하여 학생들이 간호학을 전공으로 택한 동기도 다른 전공분야보다는 훨씬 다른 여러 종류를 보이고 있다. 즉, 종교적 이유, 다른 사람들에게 봉사할 수 있는 직업이기 때문에, 쉽게 취업을 할 수 있어서, 결혼 후에도 직업을 가질 수 있기 때문에, 외국으로 쉽게 취업할 수 있어서 등이 간호학을 선택한 이유로 보고되고 있다. 흥미나 적성에 맞다고 생각하기 때문에 간호학을 택한 학생의 수는 다른 과에 비하여 훨씬 적다. 이러한 흥미나 적성 때문이 아닌 여러 가지 다른 이유들로 인하여 간호학을 택한 경우에 특히 간호학에 쉽게 흥미를 잃어버리는 것을 볼 수 있다. 간호학에 현실적인 개념을 가지고 있는 학생들일수록 추상적이고 현실적인 개념을 가지고 있는 학생들보다 더 간호학에 지속적인 흥미를 가지며 중간에 탈락하는 율이 훨씬 적다는 것이 많은 연구에서 보고되었다. 또한 흥미나 적성 때문에 간호학을 택하였다는 학생들이 다른 과로 전과를 희망하는 율이 낮다는 것도 보고되었다. 둘째, 교과내용자체나 실습에 대한 불만족이다. 간호학에 대한 체계적인 교과내용의 결여, 과중한 과제물, 임상실습에서의 욕구불만, 실습으로 인한 부담, 지식과 실습의 차이점에 대한 갈등 등이 주요 이유로 보고되고 있다. 대부분의 연구들이 이 교과목이나 실습에 대한 불만족, 특히 실습경험에서의 갈등을 학생들이 흥미를 잃는 가장 중요한 요인이 되는 것으로 보고하고 있다. 어느 한 연구에서는 응답자의 90$\%$가 임상실습에 만족하지 못한다고 응답하였으며 그들 중의 88$\%$가 실습감독에 문제가 있다고 생각한다고 보고하였다. 셋째, 교수들에 대한 불만족이다. 대부분의 연구들이 학년이 올라가면 갈수록 교수에 대한 신뢰도가 낮아지며 또한 그에 비례하여 간호학에 대한 만족도가 낮아진다고 보고하고 있다. 교육내용에 대한 전문지식의 결여, 학생들과의 인간적인 관계의 결여, 교수법에 대한 불만족 등이 교수에 대한 불만의 주요내용으로 보고되었다. 미래의 간호에 부응할 학생교육 계속적인 사회적 변동과 더불어 급격하게 변화하고 있는 일반인들의 건강에 대한 요구도와 앞에서 기술한 문제점 등을 감안할 때 학생들에게 동기를 부여하고 간호학에 확신감을 가질 수 있도록 준비시키므로써 간호환경에서 실망하기보다는 오히려 그것을 받아들여 변화하는 사회요구에 책임감을 느낄 수 있도록 교육시키는 것이 미래의 간호학생을 준비시키는데 가장 중요한 요인이라고 할 수 있겠다. 이러한 교육을 위하여 다음의 두가지 안을 제시한다. 1. 교수와 학생간의 관계-서로의 좋은 동반자 : 교수들이 학생에게 미치는 영향, 특히 학생들의 성취도에 대한 영향에 대하여는 이미 많은 연구가 시행되었다. Tetreault(1976)가 간호학생들의 전문의식에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대하여 연구한 바에 의하면 다른 어느 것보다도 교수의 전문의식여부가 학생들의 전문의식 조성에 가장 큰 영향을 미친다고 하였다. 또한 학생들이 교수에게 신뢰감을 가지고 있을때, 교수들이 전문가로서의 행동을 하는 것을 보았을때 비로서 배움이 증가된다고 하였다. Banduras는 엄격하고 무서운 교수보다는 따뜻하고 인간적인 교수에게 학생들이 더 Role Model로서 모방하려는 경향을 나타낸다고 보고 하였다. 그러면 어떻게 학생에게 신뢰받는 교수가 될 수 있겠는가? apos;학생들의 요구에 부응할 때apos;라고 한마디로 표현할 수 있을 것이다. Lussier(1972)가 언급한 것처럼 학생들의 요구에 부응하지 못하는 교육은 Piaget이 언급한 교육의 기본 목표, 즉 개인에게 선배들이 한 것을 그대로 반복하여 시행하도록 하는 것이 아니라 새로운 것을 시도할 수 있는 능력을 가지게 하는 목표에는 도달할 수 없으며 이러한 목표는 간호학에도 가장 기본이 되어야 할 기본목표이기 때문이다. 학생들이 현재 어떤 요구를 가지고 있으며 또 어떤 생각을 하고 있는지 계속 파악하고 있는 것이 학생요구에 부응하는 교육을 할 수 있는 기본조건이 될 것이다. 의외로 많은 교수들이 학생들을 이해하고 있다고 생각하고 있으나 잘못 이해하고 있는 경우가 많다. 표 2는 현 간호학생들이 생각하고 있는 가치관과 문제점을 파악하고 또 교수가 그 가치관과 문제점을 어느 정도 파악하고 있는지 알아보기 위하여 일개 4년제 대학 200여명의 학생과 그 대학에 근무하는 18명의 교수진을 대상으로 질문한 결과를 간략하게 보고한 것이다. 또한 여기에서 학생이 보고하는 가치관, 문제점, 교수에게 바라는 점이 교수가 이해하고 있는 것과 차이가 있다는 것도 보여주고 있다. 우리가 학생들의 요구를 파악할 수 있도록 귀를 기울이고 이해하며, 그 요구에 부응하려고 노력할때 진정한 교수와 학생간의 관계가 이루어질 수 있을 것이며 이때 비로서 우리는 apos;partnershipapos;을 이룰 수 있을 것이다. 이때 간호학에 대한 실망은 줄어들 수 있을 것이며 우리도 학생들에게 전문가적인 태도를 함양시켜줄 수 있는 기회를 부여할 수 있을 것이다. 이렇게 될때 앞으로 기다리고 있는 미지의 의무에 효과적으로 또 적극적으로 대처할 수 있는 자질을 형성한 학생들을 준비해 낼 수 있을 것이다. 2. 간호모델에 의한 교과과정의 확립과 임상실습에의 적용 : 교과과정이 학생들의 모양을 만들어주는 하나의 기본틀이라고 말할 수 있다면 미래의 요구에 부응하는 학생들을 준비시키기 위하여 지금까지와는 다른 새로운 방향의 교과과정이 필요하다는 것은 재론할 필요가 없을 것이다. 이미 진취적인 간호대학에서는 guided design systems approach 또는 integrated curriculum 등의 새로운 교과과정을 시도하고 있음은 알려진 사실이다. 물론 간호모델에 준한 교과과정을 발전시키는데 대한 장점과 이에 수반되는 여러가지 새로운 문제점에 대하여 많은 논란이 있으나 모든 교과과정이 처음 시도될 때부터 완전한 것이 있을 수 없으며 시간이 지남에 따라 성숙되는 것임을 감안해 볼 때 이러한 새로운 교과과정에의 시도는 미래의 새로운 간호방향에 필수적인 사업이라고 하겠다. 이러한 교과과정을 개발하는데 몇가지 게안점을 첨부하려 한다. (1) 새로운 교과과정의 개발은 처음부터 끝까지 모든 교수진의 협력과 참여로 이루어져야 한다. (2) 비록 처음에는 어렵고 혼란이 있더라도 교과과정은 의학모델이 아닌 간호모델을 중심으로 이루어져야 한다. (3) 간호모델에서 다루어지는 개념들은 모두 직접 간호업무에 적용될 수 있는 것으로 선택되어야 한다. (4) 교과과정의 결과로 배출되는 학생들의 준비정도는 그 지역사회에 적합하여야 한다. (5) 그 지역사회의 고유한 문화적 요소가 포함되어야 한다. 아직 우리는 간호분야 내부의 갈등을 해결하지 못하고 있는 시기에 있다. 우리 내부의 문제점을 잘 해결할 수 있을때 외부와의 갈등에 잘 대처할 수 있을 것이다. 내부의 갈등을 잘 해결하기 위한 힘을 모으기 위하여는 동반자, 즉 교수와 학생, 간호교육자와 임상간호원 등이 서로 진정한 의미의 동반자 될때 가장 중요한 해결의 실마리가 될 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.62-85
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• 2009

The Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the South Sea shrine in Yeong-Am, Korea was a national institution for public peace and bliss, was excavated in 2000, and the shrine and the 3-way-gate were reconstructed in 2001. Hae Sin-sa, the Sea shrine is a place for religious service separated into the Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the Dong-Hae Myo, and the Seo-Hae Dan. The Dong-Hae Myo was reconstructed, but restored shrine and 3-way-gate of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa is not perfect in comparison with excavation plan in 2000, therefore new reconstruction was researched through the related literature, the analysis of historical maps and excavation results, the interview with the concerned people and the case study. This research defines the analysis of the Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction as follows. 1. The Nam-Hae Sin-sa was the institution for religious service operated by national direct management, represents the shrine for public peace and bliss on the Mountain, the Sea, and the River. Especially the Nam-Hae Sin-sa had an important position on the pivot of international trade with China and Japan, and had a role of main shrine with another one in the Mt. Ji-ri San. 2. The name of the Sea shrine was called as Nam-Hae Sin-sa(the South Sea shrine), Dong-Hae Myo(the East Sea shrine), Seo-Hae Dan(the West Sea shrine). But the name of the South Sea shrine had changed in the early period of Chosun as Nam-Hae Sin-sa to the later Chosun as Nam-Hae Dang through the research of related literature and historical map. Such as the Seo-Hae Dan, it was constructed for the Dan, the flat raised-floor without buildings, and changed to the type of Sa-Dang with addition of buildings. 3. The historical map of Hae Sin-sa informs the types of the roof, the Mat-bae roof was used in the Dong-Hae Myo, but the Pal-jak roof was showed in the Seo-Hae Dan and the Nam-Hae Sin-sa. 4. According to the analysis of Yong-Ch'uck the unit length, Nam-Hae Sin-sa was reconstructed in the period of Koryo on large scale, but it was restored in the Chosun on middle scale. And the Unit of Yong Ch'uck was changed into Yeong-jo Ch'uck in the period of Chosun. 5. As the results, The Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction designed the new shrine into the 3 Kan front and the 2 Kan side with 3:2 scale. An-ch'o-gong with Yong-du and Yong Mi the ornaments represents head and tail of dragon, the Un-gong and the ornament of Pa-ryun-dae-gong in the building, and the Ch'ung-ryang of the Yong-du show the image of the institution for religious service for the god of the sea who look like dragon. The inner gate building and the main entrance were designed as same plan and scale as Hyang-gyo, the Korean Traditional School and Shrine of Confucianism, on the basis of results of excavation. Raise the 3-tall gate of the main entrance with harmony of the scale and the shape, because the side of gate building has the Mat-bae roof. 6. This research shows that Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction is composed into shrine space and reservation space from the main entrance to inner gate and shrine like Jung-ak Dan in the Mt. Gye-ryong San, and it also informs the well in the west side of Sin-sa is an important factor of the plan of shrine architecture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.215-249
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• 2011

This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.33-67
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• 2021

This paper aims at revealing the core concept of Injon (Human Nobility). The concept of Injon is one of the salient fundamental ideas which makes Daesoon Jinrihoe recognizable as Daesoon Jinrihoe. The concept of Injon has the basic meaning of 'human nobility,' but within the context wherein the nobility of humankind is considered to be greater than the nobility of Heaven and Earth. Although the religious and ideological interpretations of Injon (human nobility) that have developed over time have been quite diverse and abundant, these interpretations are all limited in that they generally assume the relationship between 'Heaven and Earth' and 'Humanity' to be antagonistic. However, if human nobility is relativized in that manner, it can reduce the potential broader meanings of mutual beneficence and the earthly paradise of the later world. These interpretations are grounded in the view of semiotic interpretation. Such interpretations have composed their view point via the semiotic meaning of the words. The semiotic point of view suggests that meanings of words consist in the relation of the word and the object to which it denotes. We will introduce a new view point which can be termed the transcendental view point. This view focuses on how the exact interpretation of words and sentences depends on the comprehension of the triad of systematic relations among the word, object, and speaker. In the Daesoon Thought, the Former World is considered to be the world wherein all creations unfolded according to the principle of mutual contention. This led to the accumulation of grievances and grudges which condensed and filled the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. The Former World was dominated by Western material civilization, selfishness, and exclusivism. It was also a world where humans suffered from various natural disasters such as floods, droughts, plagues, and wildfires. The Former World lost the constant Dao and was overwhelmed with all kinds of disasters and calamities. That world fell into various kinds of wretchedness. The causes which made the Former World so cruel came from humans misunderstanding their relation to nature and life in general; including human life. The anthropocentric modern cosmology insisted that the human race was the only one to have the powers and rights to exercise dominion over nature. On the other hand, there is the Later World, which means the ideal and perfect, immanent eternal world for all humankind in Daesoon Thought. This world consists of life, peace, and equality and is also characterized by three typical attributes: goodness, peace, and all kinds of life. All living beings previously struggled for survival, but in the Later World, those lifeforms will embrace each other; even across different realms. In Daesoon Thought, the world and cosmos contain diverse forms of life, and human have both an earthly life and life in the after world should they die before the Later World. There are also the lives of divine beings and animals, and other such living entities. Daesoon Thought subsumes pan-vitalism, which allows they acknowledgement of myriad possible lifeforms. The concept of the Later World in Daesoon Thought, which mainly revealed in The Canonical Scripture and the words of Sangje (Kang Jeungsan), suggests that all kinds of life, including humans, animals, and even spirits in the afterworld, can live together in a perfect coming earthly paradise which is immanent. The concept of Injon can be interpreted though the view of transcendental pragmatics as an alternative to the typical views discussed in Daesoon Thought. Thinkers should attempt to improve current discourse on Injon in Daesoon Thought by focusing on the point that all kinds the original teachings demonstrate a value of all lifeforms. Therein, Injon would indicate not only the human nobility and dignity but also the nobility and dignity of divine beings, divine humans, and all other forms of life that have existed across time. The dimension of time allows for recognition of lifeforms from the Former World, the afterworld, and the Later World. This revised appraisal of Injon could further accommodate denizens of the afterworld, animals, ghosts and spirits, the earth and cloud souls of humans, and other lifeforms held to exist in the cosmology of Daesoon Thought.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."