• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.39 no.2
• /
• pp.256-268
• /
• 2004

Korea remains one of the few countries in the world that has not participated in any formal regionalism except its first FTA with chile which was just recently concluded. The lack or regionalism in Northeast Asia reflects post-war national policies that favored international export markets as an engine of economic growth. Based on a survey of 50 firms in Korea, this paper examines the relationship between regionalism and multilateralism in terms of computer industry. The results show that the industry favors international rather than regional markets for its continued export growth. According to the results, accelerated trade liberalization measures through the mutilateralism of the WTO dilute the demand for and negative impacts from regionalism. Overall, the results suggest that the Korean computer industry supports a trading system with a strong multilateral commitment based on non-discrimination.

• Science & Technology Policy
• /
• v.2 no.44 s.44
• /
• pp.17-25
• /
• 1992

• Korean Journal of Japanese Language and Literature
• /
• no.80
• /
• pp.423-442
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this study is to clarify the practical meaning of the conception of the greater East Asia co-prosperity sphere in the modern era in Japan through the research using the theoretical framework of multilateralism that is a universal approach to international peace and cooperation in the 21st century. Especially, the analysis of applying the conceptual matters and the components of multilateralism to the conception of the greater East Asia co-prosperity sphere in modern Japan is the central research method of this paper, and through this research, I would like to present systematically the peacelessness in the conception of the greater East Asia co-prosperity sphere. From the viewpoint of the conceptual aspects of multilateralism, it can be said that the conception of the greater East Asia co-prosperity sphere lacks the equality and autonomy among countries, and it does not conform to the multilaterality with core contents of cooperation and peace. From the viewpoint of the aspects of multilateralism, it can be said that the conception of the greater East Asia co-prosperity sphere does not satisfy the indivisibility of related value, the generalized principles of conduct and the comprehensive reciprocity. I expect that this research can provide certain criteria for the preparation of the theoretical foundation of regional cooperation in East Asia and regional peace building plan in progress.

• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
• /
• v.61
• /
• pp.303-325
• /
• 2014

As the development of information and globalization of world economy enters new condition, the stake of every nation's makes more complwx, and multilateral negotiation lead by WTO is seriously delayed. But the number of agreement about FTA increase exponentially. In this study we aim to consider whether Korean FTA affects the relation of the trade of Korea and Japan or not, especially Automobile industry. The composition of this paper is as follows. Chap. 1 is Introduction. In Chap. 2, we consider the change of the Trade Policy of Korea focusing in FTA. In Chap. 3, we consider how Korean FTA affect the structure of Japan's Trade, especially the automobile industry of Korea and Japan. In Chap. 4, we have conclusion. As the conclusion, the impact to the automobile industry of Korea and Japan is that Korean FTA works to Korean automobile industry advantageously in micro level, but in macro level, the competition of world automobile industry move into a next generation technology market.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• v.6 no.4
• /
• pp.633-642
• /
• 2020

The recent COVID-19 pandemic is threatening human life and well-being, causing pain that has not been experienced before. Human security was summoned again as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, it is paradoxically a threat to human security due to its inherent limitations and authoritarian control model. This paper first raises the analytical rigor of the concept of human security, focusing on COVID-19. Based on this, the practical usefulness of human security is improved by constructing a practical model that reflects the human security issues raised in reality. In particular, we approach the COVID-19 pandemic not from a natural disaster, but from the perspective of an artificial catastrophe caused by immorality and division in the international community. At the same time, we propose a multilateralism governance model that reflects the perspective of emerging security in order to realize human rights, the fundamental value of human security, and quarantine, a practical task in a balanced way.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
• /
• v.13 no.1
• /
• pp.107-133
• /
• 2009

International relations in the 21st century is featured by boundless competition among nations to secure sufficient energy resources for achieving economic development. Resource diplomacy, therefore, is competitive in its nature, which is derived from the fact that resources of the globe are limited. Chinese recent economic growth has been possible mainly due to its success in resource diplomacy. The Chinese resource diplomacy has shown two different patterns according to target regions. On the one hand, China has pursued multilateral approach to Central Asia region, by which China aimed to secure energy with joint exploration method in the region. Chinese resource diplomacy toward Africa, on the other hand, has been based on bilateral approach combined with unit-centered economic aid to African nations. This difference in Chinese foreign policy pattern seems to be derived from three factors: namely, Chinese strategic considerations on geopolitical condition, regional security sensitivity, and legacies of Chinese long-time non-alignment diplomacy since the 1950s. Whether China is able to maintain the current pattern of resource diplomacy will be depended on how wisely China pursue its relations with two other global powers: Russia in the Central Asia and the U.S. in Africa. In this regard, the Chinese resource diplomacy is expected to work as determining factor of shaping a pattern of tri-lateral strategic relations among the U.S., Russia, and China. Chinese resource diplomacy thus will determine the future direction of the global politics in terms of strategic arrangement.

• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.13 no.2
• /
• pp.573-600
• /
• 2009

Currently, the Free Trade Agreement(FTA) promoting regionalism or bilateralism has been increasingly concluded, which is against multilateralism of the WTO. The adoption of the TRS under the FTA carries various issues from the rationale of its existence to its contents. To explain these contradictory issues between the WTO and the FTA, this paper studied on the TRS by analyzing present cases and negotiation results of the TRS under the FTA and comparing them under the WTO. The TRS under the WTO agreement is limited only to antidumping, countervailing duties and safeguard as the agreed concept. When the negotiations of the FTA are on the process, it is necessary to adopt the TRS depending on the negotiating party countries of the FTA after considering fully the economic situations of Korea and the need of protection for the domestic industries. Currently, Korea has entered into the FTA with several countries and most of the agreements with respect to the TRS maintain and observe the right and duty in the WTO agreement and when necessary, in some of the FTA agreements, they have changed parts of the TRS. Consequently, it is needed to establish the basis for application of the TRS. Also, additional application of the SSG provision to some sensitive goods is highly recommended.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
• /
• v.29 no.3
• /
• pp.95-111
• /
• 2013

The purpose of this study is to draw out the trade effect of the Korea ASEAN FTA by carrying out a panel analysis. For achieving such a purpose, Panel Unit Root, Panel Cointegration Test, Pooled OLS, Hausman Test, Fixed Effect, Random effect are performed. The last 15 years's data over the period of 1997 to 2011 concentrated on the ASEAN countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippine, Singapore, Thai, Vietnam is used in this study. Major implications are summarized as following. First, our government need to maximize the effect derived from conclusion of FTA(Free Trade Agreement) in order to enhance the competitive edge through obtaining a stable foreign market. Second, it necessary for our government to improve a national system by orienting a FTA conclusion complying with WTO's product and service-related regulation.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
• /
• v.13 no.4
• /
• pp.129-154
• /
• 2010

In Post-soviet Space, particularly the Central Asian is a great turbulence region called the 'Eurasian Balkan', where diverse factors of conflict and dispute are existed. In Central Asia, a current regional security system is characterized by various multilateral cooperation relations among Central Asian nations and the world powers, such as NATO(PfP), OSCE, CIS, CSTO, CACO, SCO, CICA and so on. But nothing could obtain superiority as pan-regional security system. Unless internal problems and conflicts of the Central Asian nations be solved, security won't be assured in this region. Narrow-minded and blind realism will spread insecure region, make a lasting trouble spot in Eurasian continent. The purpose of this article is to explore significance for international relations of security system in the Central Asia. I examine general features of regional security environment formed after the Soviet Union's collapse, characteristics of multilateral cooperation related with Central Asian nations. Through consideration current situations I suggest prospects of security system in Central Asia.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
• /
• v.14 no.3
• /
• pp.421-440
• /
• 2010

This paper examines middle powers' ODA policy in the post cold war era and discusses its implication for Korean aid strategy. Middle powers' ODA has been more successful than that of super powers in promoting donors' positive images and in stimulating recipient countries' development. Middle powers tend to pursue multilateral solutions to international problems often by taking a mediator role, and their ODA policies set them apart from the great players in international politics. Middle powers' ODA is primarily aimed at reducing poverty and protecting human rights in least developed countries where humanitarian aid needs the most rather than promoting donors' interests. Also, middle powers have provided bilateral untied aid in the sectors of food aid and emergency relief and steadily devoted about 0.7% of their gross national income to ODA. Meanwhile, Korea as an emerging middle power and a new donor has been implementing its own aid strategy under the name of the Korean development model since the post cold war period. The Korean ODA was not successful in building donors' positive images by simply following the short term strategies of US and Japan. Yet, its ODA policy has been quite effective in sustaining local development by creating specific niches in which the country can specialize in. In specific, Korea has focused on developing the sectors of information and communication technology and industry energy in recipients' countries by maximizing its comparative advantage.