• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.13-33
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• 1999

The aim of this study was to investigate fatigue scores, physical complaints, farmer's syndrome and to find out its risk factors among farmers. The questionnaire survey was conducted to 177 vinyl house workers and 213 farmers who lived in Chongyang gun of Chungnam province from February 24 to March 15, 1998. The obtained main results were followings; 1. The fatigue scores were not significantly different between vinyl house workers and farmers. The fatigue scores were higher in female group, lower education group, shorter sleep hours group(under 8 hours), nonsmoker, nondrinker group than otherwise groups. There was not statistically significant difference between the mean fatigue scores and age, eating habit and body mass index. Duration of farming years in vinyl house and farming area and number of farming workers in farmers family showed a slight relationship with the fatigue score. 2. Health scores were not different between vinyl house workers and farmers. The health states was poorer in female group, lower education group, shorter sleep hours group(under 8 hours), nonsmoker group, and nondrinker group than otherwise groups by health scores. Health scores were not related with age, eating habit and body mass index. 3. The proportion of farmer's syndrome was 49.1% in vinyl house workers and 52.1% in farmers. That was higher in female than in male and the higher proportion was found in the lower education group of vinyl house workers and farmers. The proportion of farmer's syndrome was higher in the group of smoker, alcohol drinkers and over or under weight in vinyl house workers, but did not differ in those of farmers. 4. By multiple logistic regression, sex and sleep hours were risk factors affecting to farmer's syndrome. Odds ration for female group was 2.53 (reference group was male) and that for over 8 sleep hours group was 0.74 (reference group was under 8 sleep hours group). 5. The chief complaints by CMI were "I am difficult to work due to aching the back and the limbs", "I feel prickle pain in the limbs", "I sometimes have a twinge in the limbs", "I am not quite well as having a pain in the limbs", "I feel weaker grasping power than before" in both of vinyl house workers and farmers. Vinyl house workers more frequently pointed out skin darkening, skin disease and hemorrhoids than farmers. 6. According to correspondence analysis, skin disease of vinyl house workers was related to vinyl house farmers and digestive and general symptom was associated with male and endocrinological and muscular symptom was associated with female in vinyl house workers. And it revealed that farmer's syndrome was highly related with female and farmers relatively. By the above results, the fatigue scores, perceive health and farmer's syndrome did not much differ in two groups, but aged female farmers should be considered as female farmers represented higher fatigue score, farmers syndrome and poorer perceive health than male farmers in addition to farmer's syndrome was increased with ageing process. Also feeble but distinguished symptoms which might be due to working environment were observed especially in vinyl house workers and that should be considered and investigated continuously.

• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.101-123
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• 2012

Currently, Social Media, it has widely a renown keyword and its related social trends and businesses have been fastly applied into various contexts. Social media has become an important research area for scholars interested in online technologies and cyber space and their social impacts. Social media is not only including web-based services but also mobile-based application services that allow people to share various style information and knowledge through online connection. Social media users have tendency to common identity- and bond-attachment through interactions such as 'thumbs up', 'reply note', 'forwarding', which may have driven from various factors and may result in delivering information, sharing knowledge, and specific experiences et al. Even further, almost of all social media sites provide and connect unknown strangers depending on shared interests, political views, or enjoyable activities, and other stuffs incorporating the creation of contents, which provides benefits to users. As fast developing digital devices including smartphone, tablet PC, internet based blogging, and photo and video clips, scholars desperately have began to study regarding diverse issues connecting human beings' motivations and the behavioral results which may be articulated by the format of antecedents as well as consequences related to contents that people create via social media. Social media such as Facebook, Twitter, or Cyworld users are more and more getting close each other and build up their relationships by a different style. In this sense, people use social media as tools for maintain pre-existing network, creating new people socially, and at the same time, explicitly find some business opportunities using personal and unlimited public networks. In terms of theory in explaining this phenomenon, social capital is a concept that describes the benefits one receives from one's relationship with others. Thereby, social media use is closely related to the form and connected of people, which is a bridge that can be able to achieve informational benefits of a heterogeneous network of people and common identity- and bonding-attachment which emphasizes emotional benefits from community members or friend group. Social capital would be resources accumulated through the relationships among people, which can be considered as an investment in social relations with expected returns and may achieve benefits from the greater access to and use of resources embedded in social networks. Social media using for their social capital has vastly been adopted in a cyber world, however, there has been little explaining the phenomenon theoretically how people may take advantages or opportunities through interaction among people, why people may interactively give willingness to help or their answers. The individual consciously express themselves in an online space, so called, common identity- or bonding-attachments. Common-identity attachment is the focus of the weak ties, which are loose connections between individuals who may provide useful information or new perspectives for one another but typically not emotional support, whereas common-bonding attachment is explained that between individuals in tightly-knit, emotionally close relationship such as family and close friends. The common identify- and bonding-attachment are mainly studying on-offline setting, which individual convey an impression to others that are expressed to own interest to others. Thus, individuals expect to meet other people and are trying to behave self-presentation engaging in opposite partners accordingly. As developing social media, individuals are motivated to disclose self-disclosures of open and honest using diverse cues such as verbal and nonverbal and pictorial and video files to their friends as well as passing strangers. Social media context, common identity- and bond-attachment for self-presentation seems different compared with face-to-face context. In the realm of social media, social users look for self-impression by posting text messages, pictures, video files. Under the digital environments, people interact to work, shop, learn, entertain, and be played. Social media provides increasingly the kinds of intention and behavior in online. Typically, identity and bond social capital through self-presentation is the intentional and tangible component of identity. At social media, people try to engage in others via a desired impression, which can maintain through performing coherent and complementary communications including displaying signs, symbols, brands made of digital stuffs(information, interest, pictures, etc,). In marketing area, consumers traditionally show common-identity as they select clothes, hairstyles, automobiles, logos, and so on, to impress others in any given context in a shopping mall or opera. To examine these social capital and attachment, we combined a social capital theory with an attachment theory into our research model. Our research model focuses on the common identity- and bond-attachment how they are formulated through social capitals: cognitive capital, structural capital, relational capital, and individual characteristics. Thus, we examined that individual online kindness, self-rated expertise, and social relation influence to build common identity- and bond-attachment, and the attachment effects make an impact on both the willingness to help, however, common bond seems not to show directly impact on information sharing. As a result, we discover that the social capital and attachment theories are mainly applicable to the context of social media and usage in the individual networks. We collected sample data of 256 who are using social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and Cyworld and analyzed the suggested hypotheses through the Structural Equation Model by AMOS. This study analyzes the direct and indirect relationship between the social network service usage and outcomes. Antecedents of kindness, confidence of knowledge, social relations are significantly affected to the mediators common identity-and bond attachments, however, interestingly, network externality does not impact, which we assumed that a size of network was a negative because group members would not significantly contribute if the members do not intend to actively interact with each other. The mediating variables had a positive effect on toward willingness to help. Further, common identity attachment has stronger significant on shared information.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.196-221
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• 2011

The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• Korea Science and Art Forum
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• v.32
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• pp.319-334
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• 2018

This research is a case study to make sure the enhancement of students' imagination and creativity through developing and applying the Literature-Art-Science Integrated Education Program. Its research object was totally 25 persons of 29 students of the 1st to the 4 th Grades from Gunsan Sulsan Elementary School. Its research period lasted for 4 months from September to December, 2017, and I, as the research place, used the art room at Gunsan Sulsan Elementary School. The programs were totally 10 sessions with a unit of 1 session per each grade for 2 hours from 1:00 to 3:00 in the afternoon from Monday through Friday. I fixed ten themes of this program-eight plane modeling, and two solid modeling, and finished the work of storytelling during summer vacation. And I arranged their levels as low:middle:high(3:5:2) ones. The former was 'A Film of Monster Gorilla'(L), 'Learning the Spirit of Gyeongju Choi's Family'(M), 'A Tale of My Friend Made of Natural Materials'(L), 'The Reading of My Dream'(M), 'Gathering the Objects in My Mobile'(M), 'A Mock Trial of Marrying Off'(M), 'Painting My Favorite Children's Poem'(H), and 'Painting My Favorite Children's Song'(H), and the latter was 'Seeking for a Bluebird in My Mind'(L), and 'Making My Cherished Object' (M). Then I used the unique art expression technique per each theme, which were in sequence marbling, Korean paper art, combine painting, collage, imaginary painting, imaginary painting, play dough art, imaginary painting techniques. And I delivered to the students the scientific knowledge in terms of growing or manufacturing processes of materials used for making artworks. Prior to and after the processing this program, I surveyed about the students' ability of integrated thinking and emotional experience by 'Figure B Type' and 'Figure A Type' of The Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking, and took statistics with the resultant data. And I executed a paired t-test in order to verify the significance of mean difference in the result of investigation with those data. From the analyzed result according to the elements of creativity and the mean quotients of creativity, there showed a significant difference (t=3.47, p<.01) in 'fluency', and also a significant difference(t=3.59, p<.01) in 'creativity.' Judging from the statistic values of two fields such as the student's ability of integrated thinking and emotional experience, I estimate that over the majority of the students showed the enhancement in self-confident creative expression as well as higher interest and concern through this program. The result that I arranged and analyzed the making process of artworks, the photos of the resultant, etc. as such is as follows : Firstly, from this program being proceeded as art-centered STEAM class, the student's systematic problem-solving ability was improved in his ability of integrated thinking to transform the literary contents into artistic one. Secondly, the student obtained the emotional experience such as interest in the class, self-confidence, intellectual satisfaction, self-fulfillment, etc. through art-centered STEAM class using ten art expression techniques. Thirdly, the student's mind willing to cooperate, communicate with his friends, and care for them was ripened in the process of problem-solving. Fourth, the student's self-confidence was further instilled when presenting famous artists and their artworks in the introduction and finale of ten art expression techniques. Likewise, the statistic values on the fields of student's ability of integrated thinking and emotional experience illustrate that over the majority of the students showed improvement in the ability of creative expression with confidence as well as higher interest and concern upon this program.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.239-260
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• 2019

This paper examines the circulation and dissemination of painting during and after the nineteenth century through a case study on the One Hundred Fans paintings produced as decorative folding screens at the time. One Hundred Fans paintings refer to depictions of layers of fans in various shapes on which pictures of diverse themes are drawn. Fans and paintings on fans were depicted on paintings before the nineteenth century. However, it was in the nineteenth century that they began to be applied as subject matter for decorative paintings. Reflecting the trend of enjoying extravagant hobbies, fans and paintings on fans were mainly produced as folding screens. The folding screen of One Hundred Fans from the collection of the Museum am Rothenbaum Kulturen und Künste der Welt (hereafter Rothenbaum Museum) in Germany was first introduced to Korean in the exhibition The City in Art, Art in the City held at the National Museum of Korea in 2016. Each panel in this six-panel folding screen features more than five different fans painted with diverse topics. This folding screen is of particular significance since the National Museum of Korea holds the original drawings. In the nineteenth century, calligraphy and painting that had formerly been enjoyed by Joseon royal family members and the nobility in private spaces began to spread among common people and was distributed through markets. In accordance with the trend of adorning households, colorful decorative paintings were preferred, leading to the popularization of the production of One Hundred Fans folding screens with pictures in different shapes and themes. A majority of the Korean collection in the Rothenbaum Museum belonged to Heinrich Constantin Eduard Meyer(1841~1926), a German businessman who served as the Joseon consul general in Germany. From the late 1890s until 1905, Meyer traveled back and forth between Joseon and Germany and collected a wide range of Korean artifacts. After returning to Germany, he sequentially donated his collections, including One Hundred Fans, to the Rothenbaum Museum. Folding screens like One Hundred Fans with their fresh and decorative beauty may have attracted the attention of foreigners living in Joseon. The One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum is an intriguing work in that during its treatment, a piece of paper with the inscription of the place name "Donghyeon" was found pasted upside down on the back of the second panel. Donghyeon was situated in between Euljiro 1-ga and Euljiro 2-ga in present-day Seoul. During the Joseon Dynasty, a domestic handicraft industry boomed in the area based on licensed shops and government offices, including the Dohwaseo (Royal Bureau of Painting), Hyeminseo (Royal Bureau of Public Dispensary), and Jangagwon (Royal Bureau of Music). In fact, in the early 1900s, shops selling calligraphy and painting existed in Donghyeon. Thus, it is very likely that the shops where Meyer purchased his collection of calligraphy and painting were located in Donghyeon. The six-panel folding screen One Hundred Fans in the collection of the Rothenbaum Museum is thought to have acquired its present form during a process of restoring Korean artifacts works in the 1980s. The original drawings of One Hundred Fans currently housed in the National Museum of Korea was acquired by the National Folk Museum of Korea between 1945 and 1950. Among the seven drawings of the painting, six indicate the order of their panels in the margins, which relates that the painting was originally an eight-panel folding screen. Each drawing shows more than five different fans. The details of these fans, including small decorations and patterns on the ribs, are realistically depicted. The names of the colors to be applied, including 'red ocher', 'red', 'ink', and 'blue', are written on most of the fans, while some are left empty or 'oil' is indicated on them. Ten fans have sketches of flowers, plants, and insects or historical figures. A comparison between these drawings and the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum has revealed that their size and proportion are identical. This shows that the Rothenbaum Museum painting follows the directions set forth in the original drawings. The fans on the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum are painted with images on diverse themes, including landscapes, narrative figures, birds and flowers, birds and animals, plants and insects, and fish and crabs. In particular, flowers and butterflies and fish and crabs were popular themes favored by nineteenth century Joseon painters. It is noteworthy that the folding screen One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum includes several scenes recalling the typical painting style of Kim Hong-do, unlike other folding screens of One Hundred Fans or Various Paintings and Calligraphy. As a case in point, the theme of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" is depicted in the Rothenbaum folding screen even though it is not commonly included in folding screens of One Hundred Fans or One Hundred Paintings due to spatial limitations. The scene of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" in the Rothenbaum folding screen bears a resemblance to Kim Hong-do's folding screen of Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden at the National Museum of Korea in terms of its composition and style. Moreover, a few scenes on the Rothenbaum folding screen are similar to examples in the Painting Album of Byeongjin Year produced by Kim Hong-do in 1796. The painter who drew the fan paintings on the Rothenbaum folding screen is presumed to have been influenced by Kim Hong-do since the fan paintings of a landscape similar to Sainsam Rock, an Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden, and a Pair of Pheasants are all reminiscent of Kim's style. These paintings in the style of Kim Hong-do are reproduced on the fans left empty in the original drawings. The figure who produced both the original drawings and fan paintings appears to have been a professional painter influenced by Kim Hong-do. He might have appreciated Kim's Painting Album of Byeongjin Year or created duplicates of Painting Album of Byeongjin Year for circulation in the art market. We have so far identified about ten folding screens remaining with the One Hundred Fans. The composition of these folding screens are similar each other except for a slight difference in the number and proportion of the fans or reversed left and right sides of the fans. Such uniform composition can be also found in the paintings of scholar's accoutrements in the nineteenth century. This suggests that the increasing demand for calligraphy and painting in the nineteenth century led to the application of manuals for the mass production of decorative paintings. As the demand for colorful decorative folding screens with intricate designs increased from the nineteenth century, original drawings began to be used as models for producing various paintings. These were fully utilized when making large-scale folding screens with images such as Guo Ziyi's Enjoyment-of-Life Banquet, Banquet of the Queen Mother of the West, One Hundred Children, and the Sun, Cranes and Heavenly Peaches, all of which entailed complicated patterns. In fact, several designs repeatedly emerge in the extant folding screens, suggesting the use of original drawings as models. A tendency toward using original drawings as models for producing folding screens in large quantities in accordance with market demand is reflected in the production of the folding screens of One Hundred Fans filled with fans in different shapes and fan paintings on diverse themes. In the case of the folding screens of One Hundred Paintings, bordering frames are drawn first and then various paintings are executed inside the frames. In folding screens of One Hundred Fans, however, fans in diverse forms were drawn first. Accordingly, it must have been difficult to produce them in bulk. Existing examples are relatively fewer than other folding screens. As discussed above, the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum and its original drawings at the National Museum of Korea aptly demonstrate the late Joseon painting trend of embracing and employing new painting styles. Further in-depth research into the Rothenbaum painting is required in that it is a rare example exhibiting the influence of Kim Hong-do compared to other paintings on the theme of One Hundred Fans whose composition and painting style are more similar to those found in the work of Bak Gi-jun.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.344-352
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• 2012

Soil physical properties determine soil quality in aspect of root growth, infiltration, water and nutrient holding capacity. Although the monitoring of soil physical properties is important for sustainable agricultural production, there were few studies. This study was conducted to investigate the condition of soil physical properties of arable land according to land use across the country. The work was investigated on plastic film house soils, upland soils, orchard soils, and paddy soils from 2008 to 2011, including depth of topsoil, bulk density, hardness, soil texture, and organic matter. The average physical properties were following; In plastic film house soils, the depth of topsoil was 16.2 cm. For the topsoils, hardness was 9.0 mm, bulk density was 1.09 Mg $m^{-3}$, and organic matter content was 29.0 g $kg^{-1}$. For the subsoils, hardness was 19.8 mm, bulk density was 1.32 Mg $m^{-3}$, and organic matter content was 29.5 g $kg^{-1}$; In upland soils, depth of topsoil was 13.3 cm. For the topsoils, hardness was 11.3 mm, bulk density was 1.33 Mg $m^{-3}$, and organic matter content was 20.6 g $kg^{-1}$. For the subsoils, hardness was 18.8 mm, bulk density was 1.52 Mg $m^{-3}$, and organic matter content was 13.0 g $kg^{-1}$. Classified by the types of crop, soil physical properties were high value in a group of deep-rooted vegetables and a group of short-rooted vegetables soil, but low value in a group of leafy vegetables soil; In orchard soils, the depth of topsoil was 15.4 cm. For the topsoils, hardness was 16.1 mm, bulk density was 1.25 Mg $m^{-3}$, and organic matter content was 28.5 g $kg^{-1}$. For the subsoils, hardness was 19.8 mm, bulk density was 1.41 Mg $m^{-3}$, and organic matter content was 15.9 g $kg^{-1}$; In paddy soils, the depth of topsoil was 17.5 cm. For the topsoils, hardness was 15.3 mm, bulk density was 1.22 Mg $m^{-3}$, and organic matter content was 23.5 g $kg^{-1}$. For the subsoils, hardness was 20.3 mm, bulk density was 1.47 Mg $m^{-3}$, and organic matter content was 17.5 g $kg^{-1}$. The average of bulk density was plastic film house soils < paddy soils < orchard soils < upland soils in order, according to land use. The bulk density value of topsoils is mainly distributed in 1.0~1.25 Mg $m^{-3}$. The bulk density value of subsoils is mostly distributed in more than 1.50, 1.35~1.50, and 1.0~1.50 Mg $m^{-3}$ for upland and paddy soils, orchard soils, and plastic film house soils, respectively. Classified by soil textural family, there was lower bulk density in clayey soil, and higher bulk density in fine silty and sandy soil. Soil physical properties and distribution of topography were different classified by the types of land use and growing crops. Therefore, we need to consider the types of land use and crop for appropriate soil management.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.16
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• pp.303-339
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• 2007

"The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.93-114
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• 1978

The purpose of the study was to find out possible ways for increasing farm income through the sheep and Korean native goats farming, and to investigate meat productivity, wool productivity; woolskin utility, physiological characteristics and correlation between economical college animal farm of the Chungnam National University and sample farms in the suburbs of Dae jeon City were selected for feeding 20 heads of Corriedale wethers and another 20 heads Korean native kids as research materials for the periods of 5th May-26th November, 1977. The data such as growth rate, carcass, viscera weight, blood picture and plamsa components, hebage intake and economic traits were obtained and analysed. The result of the study are summarized as follows: 1. Meat production and quality 1) After 196days of feeding, the body weight of sheep and Korean native goats was increased by two times of those at the beginning of the trial, i.e. 20kg and 8kg respectively. 2) There was no significance of growth rates of sheep in housing and grazing. 3) The growth rate of Korean native goats were excellent at the mountainous areas of Gong ju-Gun where infectious diseases were not found 4) Accroding to the body measurements of 18-month-old sheep, percentages of hip height, body length, rump length, chest depth, chest width, hip width, chest girth and forearm circumference to the withers height were 103,%, 104%, 33%, 44%, 31%, 23%, 135% and 15% respectively, and those of hip height, body length, chest depth and chest girth of 8-month-old native goats to the withers height were 106%, 109%, 46% and 122,% respecitively. As a result, it was found that the percentage of hip height, body length and chest depth of Korean native goats were higher than those of sheep while that of the chest girth of goats was lower. 5) In the carcass data, 47, $52{\pm}2.27%$ of carcass percentage, $34.61{\pm}1.62%$ of lean meat, $26.07{\pm}2.51%$ of viscera, $9.75{\pm}1.4%$ of bone, and $20.95%{\pm}2.14%$ of woolskin for sheep, and $45.58{\pm}5.63%$ of carcass percentage, $27.62{\p}3.81%$ of meat, $34.86{\pm}4.16%$ of viscera, $11.66{\pm}1.83%$ of bone, $3.63{\pm}1.61%$ of skull and $9.26{\pm}2.41%$ of woolskin for native goats were obtained. 6) The contents of moisture, crude protein, crude fat and crude ash in native goat meat were much similar in both plots of housing and grazing. It was, however, known that the contents of moisture and protein were higher in grazinrg than in housing, while fat content was lower in grazing plots. 7) The weights of visceral organs shown similar tendency for both of sheep and native goats. For the weights of liver, heart, kidney and spleen, significance was not reconized among the treatments. Those of rumen, reticulum, small and large intestine were heavier in grazing than in housing, while the amount of visceral fat was heavier in housing. 2. Wool productivity and woolskin 1) The wool production of sheep for 7 months was $3.88{\pm}1.02kg$, and wool percentage, staple length, straighten length, wool growth per day and number of crimps were $9.27{\pm}1.48%$, 8. $47{\pm}1.00cm$, $10.63{\pm}0.99cm$, $0.40{\pm}0.04cm$ and $2.78{\pm}0.40$ respecitively. 2) The tensile strength and tear strength of woolskin treated by alum tanning were highest on the skin obtained from rump, i.e. $1,351kg/mm^2$ and $2,252kg/mm^2$ respectively, and they are in order of loin and shoulder. 3. Utilization and improvement of pasture. 1) The difference of herbage intake of native goats was not recognized between grazing and tethering, but the intake in the afternoon was s lightly higher than that in the morning. However the hervage intake of sheep was superior in grazing and in the afternoon. 2) The cultivation effect was lower in the native goat plots due to their cultivation abilities, in other words, the establishment rates of pasture by hoof cultivation were 60.25% in the goat plots and 77.35% in the sheep plots. 4. Correlation among economical traits. 1) The correlation between live weight of sheep and daily gain was higher. On the other hand, the correlation between other traits was not significant except that live weight, daily gain and lean meat percentage to the length of thoracic vertebrae. The live weight of native goats and meat production were highly correlated, and high correlation was also found between weights of carcass and meat. However, negative correlation was shown between viscera weight and live weight as well as daily gain. 2) The correlatoin between fleece weight of sheep and other traits such as live weight, daily gain and fleece percentage is very high at the 1% siginficant level, and this means that rapid-growth individuals can produce much fleece. 3) The correlation between the factors such as weights of live body, lean meat and viscera of sheep and body measurements, i. e. chest girth and body length was highest, and weights, of carcass and lean meat was highly correlated to chest width and depth. It will be therefore reasonable that the meat productivity estimates will have to be made on the basis of chest girth and body length. The meat production traits of native goats were highly correlated to the most of body measurement data, and the correlation coefficient between chest girth and weights of live body, carcass, lean meat and bone percentage was very high, i. e. 0.992-0.974 in particular. The correlations of meat production traits to chest depth, forearm circumference, body length were 0.759-0.911, 0.759-0.909 and 0.708-0.872 respectively. Therefore, the meat production of native goats will have to be estimated on the basis of chest data. 5. Blood picture and plasma components. 1) The number of erythrocyte and MCHC of native goats were $12.93{\times}10^6/mm^3$ and 36.14%, and those of sheep were $10.68{\times}10^6/mm^3$ and 36.26 respectively. The values of native goats were significantly higher than those of sheep. 2) The hemoglobin concentration, PVC, MCV and MCR of native goats were 10.92 g/100ml, $23.40{\mu}^3$ and 10.94 pg, and those of sheep were 11.73 g/100ml, 36.25 ml/100ml, $33.97{\mu}^3$ and 30.2 ml/100ml 8.43 pg respectively. The values of native goats were significantly lower those of sheep. 3) The number of leukocytes of native goats was significantly higher than that of sheep, that is, $11.64{\times}10^3/mm^3$ in native goats and $9.32{\times}10^3/mm^3$ in sheep. 4) In differential count of leukocyte, neutrophil was significantly high in native goats while lympocyte in sheep. On the other hand, the basophil, eosinophil and monocyte were not significant between native goats and sheep. 5) The amounts of total protein and glucose in the plasma of native goats were 6.2g/100ml and 53.6mg/100ml, and those of sheep were 5.6g/100ml and 45.7mg/100ml, which means that the values of native goats were significantly higher that those of sheep. The amount of total-lipid of native goats(127.6mg/100ml) was significantly than that of sheep(149.6mg/100ml). 6) The amount of non-protein nitrogen, cholesterol, Ca, P, K, Na and Cl were not different between native goats and sheep. 6. Economic analysis. 1) The gross revenue of a farm which fed native goats and sheep was 4,000won per head and the optimum size for feeding them in a farm as a subsidiary work is 5-10 heads. 2) Since there was no difference between housing and grazing, they can be fed in group for farm's subsidiary work. 3) They can be also fed by youths and house wives in the suburbs of cities, because labour requirement is estimated as only two hours per days for feeding 5 heads of native goats and sheep.