• 영어영문학
• /
• 제59권4호
• /
• pp.619-643
• /
• 2013

The experience of interment during World War II has been one of the primary motifs of fictional and autobiographical narratives by Japanese Americans. Examining textual evidences in John Okada's No-No Boy and Monica Sone's Nisei Daughters, this paper argues that the internment has been designed, carried out and concluded based primarily on the principles of economics. Borrowing the notion that 'wealth has (racial) color' as Lui and others maintain, this paper analyzes episodes in which the protagonists and other characters testify how their internment has resulted in their loss of capital as well as human rights and dignity, not to mention temporary suspension of their citizenships. In addition, this paper contrasts the image of the US as a land of equity as represented in the literary texts of the $18^{th}$ century authors in the US with that of our two authors. In doing so, this paper argues that the historical incident of internment in the $20^{th}$ century is the scene in which American ideals become irrecoverably sullied and American dreams turn into American nightmares.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제64권4호
• /
• pp.585-600
• /
• 2018

Over the last three decades, the field of American Studies has increasingly paid attention to transnational approaches in an effort to diversify and expand the field's concerns beyond the narrow sense of the nation-state in today's globalizing world. Yet, the mediation of the transnational requires a careful analysis of the nation that is still in transit. In this context, this essay examines Herman Melville's novel Moby-Dick (1851) as a case study that vividly shows how reading American literature and culture through transnationalism not only offers new interpretations of canonical texts, but also helps us to better understand the historical roots and cultural contexts of contemporary issues such as global labor and migration, US citizenship and racial justice. To address the complexity of the text's circulation and reproduction, coupled with US national ideology and cultural conditions, I first turn to the canonization of Melville's Moby-Dick during the Cold War era as a national project and then explore the possibilities of transnational readings by focusing on the politics of race and global capitalism in the nineteenth century whaling industry. In doing so, I argue that critical transnationalism allows readers to keep questioning about their own understanding of race, nation, and cultural identity while remaining attentive to the destructive force of US imperialism and global capitalism in the twenty-first century.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제54권4호
• /
• pp.579-597
• /
• 2008

This article discusses David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly as a suggestive text for examining Western masculinity in crisis in the post-imperialist age, in which territorial imperialism is no longer valid. Previous scholarship on M. Butterfly has centered around the interlocking dynamics of imperialism, racism and sexism. Such critical attentions focus on how Hwang deconstructs racialized significations of the East and the West. In these discussions, the issue of gender is often addressed merely as a trope to represent the power relations between the East and the West. As such, gender as well as sexuality is highlighted as the very source of subversion of the power relations. My discussion departs from a critique of the gendered trope of the East and the West, highlighting a postmodern agent, the allegedly feminized character Song Lining: a Chinese actor who passes for a woman for political purposes in postcolonial China. Remaining an "inappropriate/d other" in the gendered imperialist discourse, Song becomes an emergent subject, who is capable of playing gender ambiguity for reclaiming a devalued identity, that of homosexual Asian man. Discussing how the central character Rene Gallimard's masculine identity is constructed in a cross-cultural space and how it evolves, I also argue that Gallimard's melancholic death signifies a historical unsustainability of imperialist masculinity in the postmodern/postcolonial age since World War II.

• 한국도서관정보학회지
• /
• 제24권
• /
• pp.335-364
• /
• 1996

The colony education policy of Japanese Empire was, as a su n.0, ppression on national salvation education of Korean, on the one hand it was liquidation of Korean national spirit and other hand, it has the object to Japanizing Koreans through cramming Japanese language and its culture. During the Japanse occupation of Korea, the libraries had two roles, one was to press Korean and its culture and the other was to civilize Koreans for Japanizing. The purpose of this study is to examine the role of rural-mini libraries whether the former or the latter. From 1932 to The Chosun Governor- General Department (Chosun Chongdokboo) actively spread 'The Movement of Rural Development in Korea. At the same time there were many rural -mini libraries in Korean rural and fishing community. Under the colony of Japanese Empire, colony policy was itself very tough that Japanese Empire did their utmost ideas to win Korean culture over and Japanzing Korean with every possible pressures. Since rural-mini libraries were planned by the chosun Governor-General Department, however, were established by Korean themselves with the property of local education center( Hyanggyo). Therefore, rural-mini libraries were as facilities to promote rural economic development for providing Japanese with some materials which need to conduct a war, and to introduce local people to participate in civilizing activity themselves and farmers and fishermen were forced to group to be educated in Japanese language and its reading. Rural-mini libraries were, as it were, not as facilities for enlightening Korean peoples but as facilities for civilizing Koreans.

• 공연문화연구
• /
• 제43호
• /
• pp.173-202
• /
• 2021

한국전쟁시기에 중국은 총 세 차례 '항미원조' 위문단을 북한으로 파견했다. 그 목적은 하나는 미제국주의와 싸우고 있는 중국인민지원군과 조선인민군을 위로함과 동시에 국내의 사정을 전달하여 지원군의 사기를 북돋아주기 위해서였고, 다른 하나는 신중국의 사회주의건설사업에 기여하기 위해서였다. 즉 위문 활동을 통해 직접 보고 들은 다양한 영웅사적과 미제국주의 만행을 중국인민들에게 선전하여 국제주의와 신중국에 대한 애국주의사상을 고취함으로써 전쟁동원과 신중국건설을 효과적으로 진행하려는 것이었다. 위문단 단원은 정치, 군사, 민족, 사회, 문화, 교육 등 국가 제반 구성 분야의 다양한 계층(노동자, 농민, 지식인, 여성, 학생, 군인 등)의 인물들로 구성되었다. 이들의 활동은 위문과 취재, 각종 좌담회와 공연 등 다양한 방식으로 전개되었는데, 그 과정은 그야말로 분노와 동정, 희생과 감동, 전투와 낭만, 감격과 위안의 감정으로 충만해 있었다. 그러한 감정은 귀국한 위문단의 국내 선전 활동을 통해 중국인민들에게도 고스란히 전달되었다. '항미원조' 위문단은 조직구성과 구체적인 공연 활동에 이르기까지 신중국의 사회주의 정체성을 분명하게 드러냈다. 민주와 평등, 세계평화와 무산계급 연대를 강조한 국제주의 추구, 공산당정권 옹호를 기반으로 한 애국주의 지향 등이 바로 그 정체성이었다. 위문단은 국경을 넘나들며 신중국의 이러한 정체성 인식을 쌍방향으로 효율적 확산을 이루는 데 한몫했다. 이는 일종의 정치·문화적 퍼포먼스로서 '항미원조' 위문단이 갖는 중요한 의미라고 할 수 있다.

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제15권1호
• /
• pp.149-180
• /
• 2023

This article explores religious responses to significant cultural and social change in a northern Vietnamese delta village from 1996 to 2008-the second decade after de-collectivization. Drawing upon extensive fieldwork in both the village and surrounding religious networks, the article teases out the meanings of the new religious movements for northern rural people in the new era of market economy; the symbols, language, and metaphoric resources people used in response to their uncertainty and mistrust of the new social landscape; and the unintended consequences of rapid societal development such as marginalization, tensions, and social disintegration. The article argues that as in milleniarism elsewhere, new religious movements in northern rural Vietnam embody unorthodox syncretism between world religious and local traditions, thus linking past, present, and future. However, when drawing upon a common reservoir of memories and experiences to cope with risks and challenges of the new market world, local people not only drew on the power and imperial metaphor of deities in their traditional religion and belief, but became more creative to recuperate meanings, standards, and symbols from revolutionary discourse to reorient themselves, and overcome alienation and marginalization.

• 한일민족문제연구
• /
• 제33호
• /
• pp.67-111
• /
• 2017

This article aims to shed light on the wartime labor mobilization of prisoners on a large scale in/across colonial Korea and beyond during the late wartime period. More specifically, this article reveals the logic and mode of mobilization, and sorts out nationwide mobilization cases in colonial Korea. To this end, this article draws on documents and magazines published by the criminal administration of the Japanese Government-General of Korea, as well as the memoirs of prisoners and prison staff including prison administrators and prison chaplains. With the onset of the wartime system, the labor work in prisons centered on the production of military supplies. In 1943, the labor mobilization began to organize the National Protection Corps and dispatch them to remote workplaces. For example, at the requests of the military, prisoners were selected and sent to Hainan Island, while others were sent to military factories and mining fields in the northern part of the country. The authorities specified and adjusted the criteria for imprisonment based on education, physical strength, and other physical and mental conditions. Unconverted ideological offenders were excluded from the mobilization, and instead put under separate control. In preparation for mobilization, the prisoners trained in military drills, received Japanese language education, and underwent assimilation as imperial subjects through the preaching in prison. In order to induce prisoners to volunteer, a legislation system based on the shortening of the prison terms, including the parole system, was also promoted under the wartime system. As a result, prisoners were forced to work harder and faster even under the lowest of wages, poor food and poor housing conditions, and they also filled vacancies in managerial positions by serving as supervisory assistants. The reward system for them, however, did not function properly towards the end of the war, and the number of escapes and infectious outbreaks, as well as mortality rates rapidly increased under the harsh conditions.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제1권2호
• /
• pp.13-30
• /
• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• 대중서사연구
• /
• 제26권1호
• /
• pp.211-240
• /
• 2020

이 글은 기존의 하이틴 관련 연구들이 누락하고 있는 물음인 '하이틴이란 대체 무엇인가'를 고찰한다. 하이틴은 전후 범 동아시아 팝 문화 씬 권역 중 일본과 한국에서만 통용된 일본발 외래신어이다. 전후 미국에서 형성된 '틴에이저' 문화와 맥을 같이 하는 하이틴은 단순히 대중문화의 하위 카테고리가 아니라 전후 일본 정치의 중요한 이데올로기적 알레고리로 이해돼야 한다. 이를 알아보기 위해 우선, 개념으로서 하이틴이 의미화된 초기의 사례를 고고학적으로 추적한다. 그리고 이를 바탕으로 일본의 전후 정치·이데올로기와 맞물리며 형성된 하이틴의 표상-이미지로서 우에다 히라오의 초기 하이틴물의 정치적 의미를 살펴본다. 그간의 하이틴 연구가 한국이라는 지엽적이고 단편적인 영역에 한정되었던 데 반해, 이 글은 전후 동아시아사라는 보다 보편적인 지평에서 '하이틴'을 논의하는 단초가 될 것이다.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제55권1호
• /
• pp.83-105
• /
• 2009

Modern poetry begins as criticism of modernity and, by so doing, rejects its idea of time. Modernity emphasizes sequential, linear, and irreversible time and progress. Williams rejects the modern view of time, and attempts to substitute literature for history assuming that literature can take us into the immediacy of time. His poetry asserts the true moment of experience as an immediacy, of words co-existent with things. He suggests that modernity and its idea of time already led to World War I and could clearly lead to an actual, manmade apocalypse with continued technological progress. Already in the 1920s, Williams sensed that he was living in a world where such an end could come all true, which is why Spring and All, his greatest early achievement, begins with a parody of the modern apocalypse. Throughout the work, Williams criticizes "crude symbolism" and expresses his longing to annihilate "strained associations," for he believes that the metaphoric or symbolic association is related to order, the center, and the traditional concept of time itself. The metonymic model of Spring and All substitutes a self-reflexive, open-ended, and indeterminate structure of time for the linear and closed one. Instead of supplying an end, Williams only asserts the rebirth of time and attempts to arrive at immediacy while attacking the mediacy of traditional art. His characteristic use of fragmentation and abrupt juxtapositions disrupts the reader's generic, conceptual, syntactic, and grammatical expectations. His radical poetic experiments, such as the isolation of words and the disruption of syntax, produce a sense of immediacy and force the reader to confront the presence of the poem. His destruction of traditional forms, of the tyrannous designs of history and time, opens up rather than closes the possibility of signification, and takes us into a moment of beginning while disallowing temporal distancing. Spring and All, as a criticism of the modern idea of time, asks us to view Williams's work not as an ahistorical text but as a cultural subversion of modernity.