• Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
• /
• v.13 no.4
• /
• pp.495-502
• /
• 2019

A typical cerebrovascular disease among cerebrovascular diseases is vascular diseases such as cerebral infarction, cerebral hemorrhage, cerebral aneurysm, cerebrovascular stenosis. If the disease occurs and causes cerebral damage, it may be difficult to recover completely. So that, Must continue to perform health care through examination early. In particular, Because most cerebrovascular disease examining use radiation equipment and Thus this study was to find out how to select about the optimal examining method and X-ray dose decrease method among different examining method though comparison and analysis for the entrance surface dose (ESD) on cerebrovascular examining with Trance Femoral Cerebral angiography (TFCA) and Cerebral Computed Tomographic Angiography (CCTA). Also, want to find out how to select about the optimal examining method for worried patient that contrast medium side effect though measuring and evaluating for contrast usage. Data were collected from 70 patients (43 males and 27 females) who underwent CCTA at Yeosoo region hospital from June 2018 to December 2018 and 61 patients (34 males and 27 females) who underwent TFCA at Pyeongtaek region hospital from June 2018 to November 2018. ESD analysis method collected retrospective data though M-view and PACS PLUS program, Used contrast usage measuring method did reality measuring method. In the analysis using SPSS, the ESD of TFCA was $245.74{\pm}71.91$, which was $32.05{\pm}7.74$ lower than the dose of $277.79{\pm}79.65$ of CCTA ESD, and statistically significant at t = 3.249, p = 0.017 (p<0.05). As a result of the comparison of the total amount of contrast agent, the mean contrast agent used in TFCA was $55.05{\pm}17.68ml$, which was about 14.95 smaller than the amount of contrast agent used in CCTA, and statistically significant t = -4.548, p<0.001. In conclusion, the ESD of TFCA was statistically significantly lower than that of CCTA, and also the used contrast usage was significantly tiny than that of CCTA. Therefore, Select the method to increase the utilization of TFCA for cerebral disease examining, we can consider X-ray dose decrease method at the same time as to decrease side effect of contrast medium.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.73-107
• /
• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.29
• /
• pp.175-223
• /
• 2011

A university is an organization charged with publicity and has accountability to the community for the operating process. Students account for a majority of members in a university. In universities, numerous creatures are pouring out every year and university students are major producers of these records. However, roles and functions of university students producing enormous amount of records as main agents of universities and focused concentration on produced records have not been made yet. It is reality that from the archival point of view, the importance of produced records of which main agents are university students has been relatively underestimated. In this background, this study attempted approach in archival point of view on records produced by university students, main agents. There are various types of records that university students produce such as records produced in the process of research and teaching as well as records produced in the process of various autonomy activities like clubs, students' associations. This study especially focused on university student autonomy activity process and placed emphasis on accountability securing measures on autonomy activity process of university students. To secure accountability of activities, records management should be based. Therefore, as a way to ensure accountability of unversity students autonomy activity, we tried to present records management systematization and records utilization measures. For this, a student body, a university student autonomy organization was analyzed and a student body of Myongji University Humanities Campus was selected as a specific target. First, to identify records management status, activities and organization and functions of the student body, we conducted an interview with the president of the student body. Through this, we analyzed the activities of the university student body and examined the necessity of accountability accordingly. Also, we derived the types and characteristics of records to be produced at each stage by analyzing the organization and functions of the student body of Myongji University. Like this, after deriving the types of production records according to the necessity, organization and functions of accountability and activities of the student body, we analyzed records management status of the present student body. First, to identify the general process status of activities of the student body, we analyzed activity process by stage of the student body of Myongji University. And we analyzed records management method of the student body and responsibility principal and conducted real condition analysis. Through this analysis, we presented the measures to ensure accountability of a university student body in three categories such as systematization of records management process, establishment of records management infrastructure, accountability guarantee measures. This study discussed accountability on society by analyzing activities and functions of a student body, targeting a student body, an autonomy organization of university students. And as a measure to secure accountability of a student body, we proposed a model for records management environment settlement. But in terms that a student body is an organization operated in one year basis, there is a limit that records management environment is hard to settle. This study pointed out this limit and was to provide clues when more active researches were carried out in the field of student records management in the future through presentation of student body records management model. Also, it is expected that the analysis results derived from this research will have significance in terms of school history arrangement and conservation.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.19 no.3
• /
• pp.7-29
• /
• 2010

The form of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is that of the traditional form of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. Likewise, it is an important ruin for conducting research on the form and type of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. In particular, the method used for the installation of the central pillar's cornerstone is a new technique. The purpose of this research is to restore the ruin of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period that remains at the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site. Until now, research conducted on the wooden pagoda took place mostly centered on the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Meanwhile, the reality concerning Baekjae's wooden pagoda is one in which there were not many parallel cases pertain to the design for restoration. This research paper wants to conduct academic examination of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda to organize the intention of design and design process in a simple manner. This research included review of the Baekjae Period's wooden pagoda related ruins and the review of the existing wooden pagoda ruin to analyze the wooden pagoda construction technique of the era. Then, current status of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is identified to define the characteristics of the wooden pagoda, and to set up the layout format and the measure to estimate the size of the wooden pagoda in order to design each part. Ultimately, techniques and formats used for the restoration of the wooden pagoda were aligned with the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period. Basically, conditions that can be traced from the current status of the Wangheungsa Temple site excavation using the primary standards as the standard. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was designed into the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae's prosperity phase. The plane was formed into $3{\times}3$ compartments to design into three tier pagoda. The height was decided by factoring in the distance between the East-West corridors, size of the compartment in the middle, and the view that is visible from above the terrace when entering into the waterway. Basically, the origin of the wooden structure format is based on the Goguryeo style, but also the linkage with China's southern regional styles and Japan's ancient wooden pagoda methods was factored in. As for the format of the central pillar, it looks as if the column that was erected after digging the ground was used when setting up the columns in the beginning. During the actual construction work of the wooden pagoda, central pillar looks as if it was erected by setting up the cornerstone on the ground. The reason that the reclaimed part of pillar that use the underground central cornerstone as the support was not utilized, was because the Eccentric Load of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in the state of the layers of soil piled up one layer at a time that is repeated with the yellow clay and sandy clay and the yellow clay that were formed separately with the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle at the upper part of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in as well. Thus, it was presumed that the central pillar was erected in the actual design using the ground style format. It is possible to presume the cases in which the reclaimed part of pillar were used when constructed for the first time, but in which central pillar was installed later on, after the supplementary materials of the underground column is corroded. In this case, however, technique in which soil is piled up one layer at a time to lay down the foundation of a building structure cannot be the method used in that period, and the reclamation cannot fill up using the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle. Thus, it was presumed that the layers of soil for building structure's foundation was solidified properly on top of the central pillar's cornerstone when the first wooden pagoda construction work was taking place, and that the ground style central pillar was erected on its upper part by placing the cornerstone once again. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda is significant from the structure development aspect of the Korean wooden pagodas along with the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda construction technique which was developed during the prosperity phase of the Baekjae Period is presumed to have served as a role model for the construction of the Iksan Mireuksa Temple's wooden pagoda and Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. With the plan to complement the work further by excavating more, the basic wooden pagoda model was set up for this research. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was constructed as at the Baekjae Kingdom wide initiative, and it was the starting point for the construction of superb pagoda using state of the art construction techniques of the era during the Baekjae's prosperous years, amidst the utmost interest of all the Baekjae populace. Starting out from its inherent nature of enshrining Sakyamuni's ashes, it served as the model that represented the unity of all the Baekjae populace and the spirit of the Baekjae people. It interpreted these in the most mature manner on the Korean peninsula at the time.

• Journal of Korean society of Dental Hygiene
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.73-89
• /
• 2007

The purpose of this study was to examine the reality of inservice education provided to members of Korean Dental Hygienists Association, the state of relevant academic conferences, and the perception of the members about inservice education and academic conference. It's basically meant to help boost their participation in inservice education and their satisfaction with it, and to show some of the right directions for that. The subjects in this study were dental hygienists who attended a symposium on July 1, 2006. After a survey was conducted, the answer sheets from 489 participants were analyzed, and the findings of the study were as follows: 1. General hospitals and university hospitals made up the largest group(91.4%) that gave a monthly leave of absence, and the second largest group was dental hospitals(75.4%), followed by dental clinics(58.3%) and public dental clinics(48.0%). The most common closing time in dental clinics and dental hospitals was 5 p.m., and that was 12 p.m. in general hospitals and university hospitals. The dental hygienists in public dental clinics didn't work on Saturdays. By type of workplace, treatment was the most common duty for the dental hygienists in dental clinics and dental hospitals to perform, and those who worked at general hospitals, university hospitals and public health clinics were in charge of extensive range of jobs. 2. The rates of the dental hygienists who took that education stood at 94.9% in public dental clinics, 78.7% in dental hospitals and 75.3% in dental clinics, general hospitals and university hospitals. Regarding how many marks they got on an yearly basis, those who got eight marks or more made up the largest group(55.6%), followed by four marks or more(11.8%), six marks or more(3.4%), and two marks or more(1.5%). As for the usefulness of inservice education for their job performance, the largest number of the dental hygienists(40.8%) found it to be helpful, and the second greatest group(37.5%) considered its effectiveness to be so-so. The third largest group(8.4%) found it to be of great use, and the fourth biggest group(4.2%) considered it to be of no service. The fifth biggest group(l.3%) thought it was absolutely useless. By type of workplace, the workers in dental clinics, dental hospitals, general hospitals and university hospitals wanted the most to learn how to take care of clinical work(acquisition of up-to-date technology), and those in public health clinics hoped the most to learn about public dental health. By type of workplace, the workers in dental clinics had their sight set on self-development the most, and the dental hygienists in dental hospitals, general hospitals, university hospitals and public health clinics were most in pursuit of acquiring new knowledge. By type of workplace, the specific given conditions at work were most singled out by the dental clinic workers as the reason, and the dental hospital employees pointed out time constraints the most. The dental hygienists in general hospitals and university hospitals cited time constraints and financial burden the most, and the public health clinic personnels mentioned inaccessibility of a place for inservice education as the reason. 3. The public health clinic workers participated in academic conferences the most(90.8%), followed by the general and university hospital personnels(68.8%), dental hospital employees(65.6%) and dental clinic workers(65.5%). By type of workplace, the public health clinic workers(73.5%) expressed the most satisfaction, followed by the general and university hospital employees(67.7%), dental clinic workers(62.3%) and dental hospital personnels(54.1%). By type of workplace, the employees of dental clinics, dental hospitals, general hospitals and university hospitals preferred Saturdays, and the public health clinic workers had a liking for weekdays. As for a favored place, hotels were most preferred, followed by university hospitals, general hospitals, college lecture rooms, district halls and local public institutions. Hotels were most favored regardless of the type of workplace. 4. Regarding outlook on inservice education, they had the highest opinion on the facilities and given conditions of lecture rooms($3.41{\pm}0.83$), followed by the professionalism of lecturers($3.34{\pm}0.83$), procedures of receipt and attendance confirmation($3.34{\pm}0.83$) and class size($3.13{\pm}0.89$). On the contrary, they took the most dismal view of the inaccessibility of a place of inservice education($2.08{\pm}0.92$), followed by limited opportunity and limited date for that education($2.51{\pm}0.99$), extra financial burden($2.53{\pm}1.18$) and high tuition fee($2.57{\pm}0.96$).

• Journal for History of Mathematics
• /
• v.2 no.1
• /
• pp.91-105
• /
• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.347-377
• /
• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.25 no.1
• /
• pp.217-247
• /
• 2019

This research paper intends to examine the intertextuality of Klaus Mann's novel Mephisto (1936) and István Szabó's film Mephisto (1981) and how the derivative contents (i.e., film) accepted and improved the schematic aesthetics of conviction in original contents (i.e., novel). In general, the aesthetics of conviction is applied to criticize the state socialism of the artists of the Third Reich or the ideology of the artists of East Germany from a biased ethical perspective. Mephisto is also based on the aesthetics of conviction. Thus, it would be meaningful to examine the characteristic similarity and difference between Klaus Mann's real antagonist (i.e., Gustaf Gründgens) and fictional antagonist (i.e., Hendrik Höfgen) from a historical critical perspective. In this process, an aesthetic distance between the real and fictional antagonists would be secured through the internal criticism in terms of intertextuality. In this respect, the film aesthetics of István Szabó are deemed to overcome the schematic limit of the original novel. The conviction in both the novel and film of Mephisto pertains to the belief and stance of a person who compromised with the state socialism of Nazi Germany, i.e., succumbed to the irresistible history. Klaus Mann denounced Mephisto's character Höfgen (i.e., Gründgens in reality) as an "Mephisto with evil spirits" from the perspective of exile literature. For such denunciation, Klaus Mann used various means such as satire, caricature, sarcasm, parody and irony. However, his novel is devoid of introspection and "utopianism", and thus could be considered to allow personal rights to be disregarded by the freedom of art. On the contrary, István Szabó employed the two different types of evil (evil of Mephisto and evil of Faust) from a dualistic perspective (instead of a dichotomous perspective of good and evil) by expressing the character of Höfgen like both Mephisto and Hamlet (i.e., "Faust with both good and evil spirits). However, Szabó did not present the mixed character of "Mephisto and Hamlet (Faust)" only as an object of pity. Rather, Szabó called for social responsibility by showing a much more tragic end. As such, the novel Mephisto is more like the biography of an individual, and the film Mephisto is more like the biography of a generation. The aesthetics of conviction of Mephisto appears to overcome biased historical and textual perspectives through the irony of intertextuality between the novel and the film. Even if history is an irresistible "fate" to an individual, human dignity cannot be denied because it is the "value of life". The issue of conviction is not only limited to the times of Nazi Germany. It can also be raised with the ideology of the modern and contemporary history of Korea. History is so deeply rooted that it should not be criticized merely from a dichotomous perspective. When it comes to the relationship between history and individual life, a neutral point of view is required. Hopefully, this research paper will provide readers with a significant opportunity for finding out their "inner Mephisto" and "inner Hamlet."

• The Mathematical Education
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.48-73
• /
• 1986

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

• The Journal of Industrial Distribution & Business
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.33-41
• /
• 2010

In the age of globalization, effective and efficient corporate management is becoming more important as domestic and international business circumstances changes. In the middle of endless changes in business circumstances, fast reaction to customers and market, and offering customized goods and service became essential. In this respect, CRM designed to utilize customer information scientifically and systematically, has become an essential system and marketing strategy to enhance corporate competitiveness. CRM has placed the importance of customers in the front of marketing and has focused every process and business minds on customers. Recent change in the market and the trend of establishing and introducing CRM system has lead us to concentrate on the introduction of CRM in the financial institutions. This study searched for several views about CRM in academic and industrial papers. Through theoretical approach on CRM, the background of the introduction of CRM, the purpose of CRM, the characteristic and application of CRM, and the expected effect of CRM will be discussed. This study is focused on financial institutions where CRM is widely used. And through documents about examples of the introduction of CRM, the status of the establishment of domestic CRM and the necessity and trend of CRM will be discussed. Also the problem of CRM in the financial institutions and the improvement of CRM in domestic banks will be analyzed. When discussing CRM in the financial area, customers are the main source of corporate profit and through relationship management with the customers enhancing loyalty and maximizing profit can be obtained. Especially in CRM in financial institutions, maintaining existing customers makes higher profit ratio, so repurchasing and cross selling becomes important for obtaining lifetime value of existing customers who contribute to most of the profit of corporations. As a result, CRM should be completely customer oriented. CRM in financial institutions is not merely marketing work, but organizational competence which is made up of standardized work process through total process integration inside the corporation. Corporations which plan to introduce CRM should analyze the characteristics and conditions of corporations and establish purpose and strategy of CRM. And they need long term view to find out the factors which best fit for the introduction of CRM. To enable this, strategy composed of daily marketing activity and CRM concept is necessary. Also continued improvement through drill and training for operating organization should be followed to maintain CRM well. And corporate culture must settle customer as the center of corporate value. The race for introducing and improving CRM has already begun. CRM should not be regarded as a choice. It should be accepted as something essential. In this reality financial institutions should solve subdivision problem of customers and necessity of customers with the mind of 'customer's profit is my profit'. Customer focused management should not be emphasized only by words. Efforts like viewing from the customer's point must be nurtured to provide methods to help customers. That is, we should not just follow what is done in foreign countries. We should solve the problem of our customers according to the situation of our country, our industry, our corporation. Then we can gain the trust of customers, and the value derived from the customers will become the background of CRM which will lead the corporation to success.