• Language and Information
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.13-30
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• 1999

There have been two opposing views on the structure of the so-called head internal relative construction(HIRC) in Korean/Japanese, i.e., a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as a nominal projection and functionally as an argument(Kuroda 1992, Watanabe 1992, Hoshi 1996, Jhang 1991/1994, among others) vs. a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as an adjunct clause and functionally as a non-argument(Murasugi 1994). This paper on the one hand points out several phenomena indicating that Murasugi's analysis is more viable, while on the other hand proposing a more complex structure than Murasugi's to account for other facts as well. The no/kes clause in the HIRC will be analyzed as the complement of a null perception verb whose projection constitutes part of an adjunct clause.

• Language and Information
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 1999

There have been two opposing views on the structure of the so-called head internal relative construction(HIRC) in Korean/Japanese, i.e., a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as a nominal projection and functionally as an argument(Kuroda 1992, Watanabe 1992, Hoshi 1996, Jhang 1991/1994, among others) vs. a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as an adjunct clause and functionally as a non-argument(Murasugi 1994). This paper on the one hand points out several phenomena indicating that Murasugi's analysis is more viable, while on the other hand proposing a more complex structure than Murasugi's to account for other facts as well. The no/kes clause in the HIRC will be analyzed as the complement of a null perception verb whose projection constitutes part of an adjunct clause.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.1-21
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• 2002

In this paper, a persistent L1 influence on L2 argument structure acquisition is observed in terms of complement and adjunct PPs. Since the distinction between these two PPs in L1 seems not as sharp as in L2, overgeneralization is anticipated in the L2 acquisition due to L1 transfer. Result of an experimental study shows that Korean learners of English do not successfully acquire L2 verb meanings as to which locative PP is obligatory and which is not. Generally, learners transfer the L1 properties when asked to judge grammaticality. Some possible source of constraints in L2 acquisition, such as input frequency and noticing ability is proposed as possible explanations of data. Finally, pedagogical implications in language classroom for vocabulary acquisition are discussed.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.8
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• pp.369-387
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• 2006

Which syntactic function should we assign to the 'ga-type' constituent which occurs in the morphological passive constructions in Korean, [N0-neun N1-i Vpass-ending]? This problem is very important in two respects. First, a small change of status of the particle 'i/ga' can exert an overall influence on the Korean grammar. Second, the particle '-i/ga' cannot guarantee that 'ga-type' constituents are subject of the sentence, so that the concept of syntactic category should be distinguished from that of syntactic function. This paper claims that the analysis of sentence has long been focused on the structure of proposition, namely the argument structure and that the direction of analysis should be turned to the 'person structure' which can be revealed on the pragmatic level. On the basis of this, this paper suggests that the specific type of the morphological passive constructions in Korean, [N0-neun N1-i Vpass-ending] should be analysed in line with the psych-verb constructions and that the modal meaning 'potential' of the passive constructions is correlated with sentence pattern and 'person structure'.

• Language and Information
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.155-183
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• 1998

The purpose of this paper is to explore the syntactic criteria for determining a secondary predicates as a predicate modifier or a conjunction, and to formalize the semantic aspects of the [-ke] structure as a predicate in Korean. Syntactically, the [-ke] structure is considered to be a secondary predicate when the shared arguments appear in both the [-ke] structure and the main verb structure. On the other hand, if they do not appear in both structures, the [-ke] structure is considered to be a connective element. Semantically the [-ke] structure has numerous aspects such as depictives, resultatives, objectivity, and emphasis. The depictives of the secondary predicate can be formalize as $p{\wedge}q$ where p represents a propositional expression of the secondary predicate and q is a propositional expression of the main verb. Resultatives have the logical form $q{\rightarrow}{\Box}p$, because the consequence has to always be true. However, objectivity has the logical form $q{\rightarrow}{\diamondsuit}p$, because the consequence can be either true or false. Emphasis is represented as $q{\rightarrow}p{\uparrow}$ because the secondary predicate represents the polarity of the event.

• Korean Journal of Cognitive Science
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.25-47
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• 2013

We conducted a psycholinguistic experiment in which participants orally produced sentences using a subject, a dative object, an accusative object, and a verb, provided just before the production. Results of the experiment are twofold: (i) Korean speakers basically produce the dative object earlier than the accusative one if the lengths of the objects are identical. (ii) If there is a length difference between the two objects, though, the longer one strongly tends to be placed before the shorter one, overriding the preference for 'dative-accusative' order. This 'long before short' preference which is generally observed in head-final languages appears to reflect the underlying tendency of the processing mechanism to put the heads of arguments and the predicate as closely as possible, thereby minimizing the cost for the processing of verb-argument structure.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.251-266
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• 2002

This paper aims to compare and analyse the pattern of the pitch accent realization between the English native speakers and the .Korean speakers, using the sentences by the scope of focus including intransitive verbs; unaccusative, unergative, and passive, based on the previous studies. The results show that the English native speakers produce the intonational patterns similar to the previous study (Hoskins, 1996), which showed that English native speakers deaccented after the focused word for unaccusative and passive verbs in broad focus. Korean speakers, however, have a tendency not to deaccent after the focused word for both verbs. In the narrow subject focus condition, Koreans do not deaccent the verbs after the focused subject. In the narrow verb focus condition, they produce the pitch accent on verbs as the English native speakers do, but they tend to produce the pitch accent on subjects that should not be given any pitch accent. Therefore, unlike the English native speakers, the Korean speakers have a tendency not only that they do not produce three types of intransitive verbs with proper intonation, but also that they do not realize the focus structure itself properly.

• Language and Information
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.157-176
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• 1998

This paper claims that beneficiary adjuncts are best analyzed as involving external predication in a version of grammatical framework called Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar. This paper also claims that verbal catefories need to include the attribute INDEX among their semantic components in order to account for the external predication proposed in this paper. This paper distinguishes between recipient and beneficiary reles and assumes that the former is a semantic argument of a verb-type relation and that the latter is an adjunct which makes a semantic contribution as a modifier. This approach achives a unified analysis of modification phenomena of nominal and verbal categories and it can also accomodate Parson's(1990) idea that a verbal category denotes a set of events, not just an event.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.5
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• pp.75-92
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• 2003

One of the distinctive features of Korean language is that it has a fine hierarchical regimentation of language uses, perhaps finer than English, Chinese or Japanese. If English language uses have a hierarchical structure they are to be thick. You may respond to any of your male colleagues often by saying either "Yes, Sir" or "Yes, John". But Korean speakers attend to the One grades of differences of social positions of a speaker and a hearer and they show the respect of the difference by adding or dropping relevant suffixes of verbs which Korean language has developed. For example, one yew difference would affect how you choose a suffix of verbs you use to speak to your hearer and two year difference often leads to the adoption of still another fitting suffix of the same verb. One year criterion works not only in 3my barracks, school dormitories but also in government offices. business sectors. Korean speaking people have been taught to use this finely regimented hierarchical language. I try, in this paper, to develop the idea that hierarchical regimentation of Korean language uses is not humane. 1 of for the main argument for the thesis as what follows: How could one justify the hierarchical regimentation of a language like Korean\ulcorner Only if there is an essential structure in which the fine grades of differences of social positions of all the people are distinct; The essentialism here involved is not plausible. And I may add that language is to be used fur the purposes of communication, rationalization and expression. If true, language use is a genuine art of liberation or humanization. Any overt hierarchical language tends to damage those purposes and more to enforce those oppressive elements already existing in the community. Then, a hierarchical language is to defeat its own purpose.

• Koreanishche Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Sprachwissenschaft
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• v.6
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• pp.57-78
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• 2002

적용구문(Applikative Konstruktion)은 타동사 구문의 일종이며 적용동사(Applikatives Verb)는 두 가지 유형으로 나눌 수 있다 적용동사가 자동사에서 타동사화 된 경우면 자동사에서는 없던 직접 목적어를 위한 슬롯이 적용형태소(Applikativmarker)를 통해 생긴다. 타동사에서 적용형태소의 삽입을 통해 변화된 적용동사는 두 개의 직접목적어를 취할 수 있는 동사의 특징을 나타내거나, 동사의 논항구조를 재배열하는 기능을 가진다. '논항구조 재배열'(rearrangement of argument structure)의 가장 전형적인 예는 타동사의 주변적인 참여자(peripherer Partizipant)를 적용동사를 통해 격상(Promotion) 시키는 반면 핵심참여자(zentraler Partizipant)는 격하(Demotion) 되는 구문이다. 즉 비 적용구문의 주변적인 참여자가 적용구문에서는 핵심참여자로서 직접목적어(direktes Objekt)의 통사적 기능을 가지는 것이다. 이러한 현상은 세계 여러 나라 언어에서 찾아 볼 수 있는데 본 논문에서는 독일어, 유카텍마야어, 인도네시아어, 캄베라어를 연구대상으로 삼았으며 이들 각 언어에서 어떤 참여자관계(Partizipantenrelation)가 적용구문의 직접목적어로 표현될 수 있는가를 살펴보았다. 이들 언어에서는 장소(Lokation)>수혜자($Benfizi\"{a}r$) & 수취인(Rezipient) > 동반자(Komitativ) > 기구(Instrument) 등의 순서로 가능하다. 이 것을 페터슨(1999)의 연구결과와 종합하여 살펴보면 적용구문의 직접목적어로 나타날 수 있는 참여자들의 순서는 루라기(2000)에 소개된 참여자의 원인연쇄(Kausale Kette)의 역순과 거의 일치하는 것을 볼 수 있는데 제일 자주 나타나는 참여자를 그 순서대로 보면 다음과 같다: 수혜자($Benefizi\"{a}r$) & 수취인(Rezipient)<장소(Lokation)>동반자(Komitativ) & 기구(Instrument)> 원인(Ursache). 이러한 순서를 우리는 '적용성의 위계'($Applikativit\"{a}tshierarchie$)라 부를 수 있으며 이것을 가능한 많은 언어에 유효한 언어의 보편성 중의 하나가 될 수 있다는 가설을 제기해 본다.