• 기호학연구
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• no.56
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• pp.45-70
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• 2018

Criticism of the postmodern philosophy of the system of representation, which has continued since the Renaissance, is based on a critique of the dichotomy that separates the subjects and objects and the environment from the human being. Interactivity, highlighted in a series of works emerging as postmodern trends in the 1960s, was transmitted to an interactive aspect of digital art in the late 1990s. The key feature of digital art is the possibility of infinite variations reflecting unpredictable changes based on public participation on the spot. In this process, the importance of computer programs is highlighted. Instead of using the existing program as it is, more and more artists are creating and programming their own algorithms or creating unique algorithms through collaborations with programmers. We live in an era of paradigm shift in which programming itself must be considered as a creative act. Simulation technology and VR technology draw attention as a technique to represent the meaning of reality. Simulation technology helps artists create experimental works. In fact, Baudrillard's concept of Simulation defines the other reality that has nothing to do with our reality, rather than a reality that is extremely representative of our reality. His book Simulacra and Simulation refers to the existence of a reality entirely different from the traditional concept of reality. His argument does not concern the problems of right and wrong. There is no metaphysical meaning. Applying the concept of simulation to algorithmic art, the artist models the complex attributes of reality in the digital system. And it aims to build and integrate internal laws that structure and activate the world (specific or individual), that is to say, simulate the world. If the images of the traditional order correspond to the reproduction of the real world, the synthesized images of algorithmic art and simulated space-time are the forms of art that facilitate the experience. The moment of seeing and listening to the work of Ian Cheng presented in this article is a moment of personal experience and the perception is made at that time. It is not a complete and closed process, but a continuous and changing process. It is this active and situational awareness that is required to the audience for the comprehension of post-representation's forms.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.5-25
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• 2008

Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.22-47
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• 2014

This study was to understand the basic principles of the East Asian wooden structure system research and analysis. The Korea and China ancient architecture internal structure research that the combination of girders and crossbeams position. The ancient wooden structures of eastern Asian countries, Korea and China are not much different from each other in the principles of the wooden architecture structure, combining pillars, purlins and crossbeams. However, it seems that age-division, local-division, national-division differs in detail techniques. China ancient wooden structures combination of purlin and crossbeam, and So-seul Timber(Chinese name: Chashou叉手, Tuojiao 托脚) seems to show differences according to the age of the fulcrum position, detailed approach is also different according to various historical dynasty. Before in the 15th century, Purlin and Crossbeam are coupled to each other, but since the 15th century, seems to have developed a technique combined with each other Girder and Crossbeam and to prevent buckling of the Crossbeam cross-sectional area increased dramatically. For Tuojiao in China Tang-Wudai dynasty(A.D. 618~979), can see that saw the top position Girder and Tuojiao no direct coupling, can be seen as maintaining the safety of the material than the material of the inner wooden structures prevent buckling of the purlin. Korea ancient wooden structures of Goryeo dynasty(A.D. 918~1391), So-seul Timber(Chinese name Tuojiao) why do not to use the fashion? To use Purlin Lower backing material techniques to prevent buckling is a popular trend to stable can be thought of as a preferred way to maintain. I think that with universality beyond the local-division, national-division and the two countries since the 15th century of Korea and China ancient wooden structures detailed mechanism for the purlin buckling. In middle-late Chosen dynasty, The effect of Deotgeolyi- techniques and fleeting beams reduce the purlin buckling that reduces the load transmitted from purlin and crossbeam of how to reduce the load on the roof portion of the architecture fleeting beams used, which of craftsmanship of the Chosen Dynasty building can be referred to as another technique for preventing buckling purlin. This Korea and China ancient architecture purlin beam structure and material So-seul Timber study. Seems to be able to provide a basic research study to restore and designed the old wooden architectures.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.30-45
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that transmissions of an intangible cultural heritage in Korea may be cut off because it is separated from human and social environment and protected and managed under the national system. In addition, another purpose is to criticize concept and method dichotomy in the current institution from an ecological perspective and consider the problem that the intangible cultural heritages are transmitted mainly by holders having skills and accomplishments by distinguishing them from others. Furthermore, the last purpose is to suggest a direction of policy emphasizing an importance of establishment of environment which allows nurture, change and development of local people, which may ensure continuous transmission in order to solve the problem and a transmission system of the intangible cultural heritage by using a principle in which the system is operated by self-recovery and natural rule of the ecology. The findings of this study show that seven problems can be analyzed by reviewing concept establishment and protection and transmission measure of intangible cultural heritages according to the Cultural Properties Protection Law, based on the ecological perspective. The protection and transmission methods of the intangible cultural heritage through the cultural heritage ecology are suggested by applying ecological theory to it. The intangible cultural heritage ecology defined in this paper means 'a sustainable community consisting of intangible cultural heritage, subject of activity and physical environment.' Since it is operated according to the principle reflecting the rules and features of natural ecology, it can keep system through self-recovery without an external intervention, as the case of natural ecology.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.56-73
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• 2019

This paper aims to establish the technical style of roof tiles by analyzing East Asian roof tile making techniques. It will examine the existing main research data, such as excavation results and the subsequent analysis of the roof tiles' production traces, as well as references and transmitted techniques. Regions are grouped according to technical similarity, then grouped again by artistic styles of pattern and shape and by the technical styles of tools, procedures, and manpower plans. Accordingly, intends to find out whether an understanding of technical style can facilitate an understanding of not only cultural aspects, but also the causality of techniques. Korean, Chinese and Japanese tools were examined, and procedures for making roof tiles were classified into 4 groups. In a superficial way, China, Okinawa, Korea, and Honshu share similar technical traits. Research of procedural details and manpower plans revealed characteristics of each region. As a result, comparisons were made between each region's technical characteristics attempting to investigate their causes. The groups were classified according to their possessing techniques, but it was revealed that East Asia's shared production techniques were based on architectural methodss. The skill of "Pyeon Jeol(Clay Cutting)" classified according to its possessing techniques, turned out to be one such technique. Also, the procedure of technical localization based on the skill of "Ta-nal(Tapping)" showed that the condition of this technique was the power to localize in response to a transfer of techniques. Previous comparison parameters of artifacts would have been a similarity of style originated from exchanges between regions and stylistic characteristics of regions decided by the demander's taste of beauty. This methodology enlarges cultural perception and affords a positive basis of historical facts. However, it suggests the possibility of finding cultural aspects' origins by understanding the technical style and seeing same result in view of "technology culture."

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.134-146
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• 2011

Gyeokgu is a group ball game transmitted into the Joseon Dynasty period as acquiring a great vogue among the royal palace and people in Goryeo Dynasty after being introduced into the country from China. This research aimed through historical investigation to look into the form in which the Goryeo dynasty's kings enjoyed Gyeokgu game, and the historical-spatial signification and the locational characteristics of Gujeong(the ground where play Gyeokgu) which is the courtyard where Gyeokgu game was held centering around the Goryeo dynasty's palace where Gyeokgu was prosperous most. We researched and analyzed the data for research after extracting the records related to Gyeokgu from three historical data of the true records of the Goryeo Dynasty. Upon investigation, twelve among 34 kings of the past generations were concerned with Gyeokgu in Gyeokgu game participation form, and 46 times were recorded in historical records in total. In the participation form, kings participated personally in 9 times among 46 Gyeokgu games, and viewed games in case of 37 times. Among these kings, the 18th generation king Uijong was recorded most as 17 times(36.9%) in Gyeokgu records. Places where Gyeokgu were held were 25 places in total including royal palace, detached palace, Lu-jeong, Buddhist temple, private residences, markets and streets, other outside of the royal court and so on, and 46 time-Gyeokgu games in total were held in these places. 21 time(45.6%)-Gyeokgu games were held in only 5 detached place among these places. So, detached palace were used most for Gyeokgu games. In particular, Gyeokgu games were held most in Suchanggung palace and Jangwonjeong palace among these detached palaces, and all these things were recorded during the reign of King Uijong. Gyeokgu game which was prevalent by the end of the Goryeo Dynasty showed a progression to a national festival which kings, personally coming into streets or Jeoja(an archaic word for "market"), enjoyed with the crowd.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.14-27
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• 2011

The study reviewed the content and the meaning of the present Yeoju Palkyung(eight scenery) through analyzing and interpreting the Palkyung poems, old maps and paintings, and classic materials transmitted in Yeoju area, and investigated the transmission process. Although five scenes of the Yeoju Palkyungs illustrate abstract landscapes derived from the Sosang Palkyung, there are mixed with local sceneries showing famous historical ruins in the area and local life of the Yeogang(驪江: river). Seunggyeong(勝景) of Yeoju, highlighted in old paintings, has been emphasized through duplication the object and the view point field of Yeoju Palgyeong(驪州八詠), which is usually symbolized to sailing boats along the Yeogang, forests around Cheongshimru, and the layer Jeontap and Maam above Shinreuksa(神勒寺) Dongdae(東臺). It is quite undoubtful that the Yeoju Palyong of Choi Sukjeong and Seo Geojung is the copy of the present Yeoju Palkyung, but the present version is found to be all included in the Cheonggijeongsipyoung(淸奇亭十詠) of Cho Moonsu since the 17th Century, which shows that the Cheonggijeongsipyoung is viewed that it played an important role for the transmission of the Yeoju Palkyung. Also, it. is concluded that the Yeoju Palyong recorded in Yeojidoseo(與地圖書) is the same landscape collecting with the presend Yeoju Palkyung, which would be dated back at least until the mid 18th Century. In addition, given the fact that the studied old maps show Eight scenery, Sachoneohwa, Shinreukmojong, Yeontanguibum, Paldaejangrim, Yangdonagan, Ibanchungam, Pasagwau, and Yongmoonjeukchui, recorded consistently in the same time order, the eight scenic points in the old maps had been apparently established as the typical copy of the Yeoju Palkyung in the 18th Century. Therefore, the transmission route of the Yeoju Palkyung follows two separate versions, one starting from the Yeoju Palyong(Choi Sukjeung, Seo Geojeong) to Cheonggijeongpalyong to Yeoju Palyoung(Yeojidoseo) to the present. Yeoju Palkyung, and the other from the Yeoju Palyoung Geumsa Palyong(金沙八詠) to the old map Palkyung to the Yeoju Palkyung(the late 18th C). These two transmission processes have their own cultural sceneries having the same origin, which are different only in perspective which attempts to cover the representative scenic landscapes including Yeoju and Geumsa.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.63-96
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• 2013

$L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) was one of the famous philosophers during the Southern Song period, and is called one of DongNamSanXian(東南三賢) together with ZhuXi(朱熹) and ZhangShi(張?). With his profound knowledge transmitted and uphold by JiaXue(家學), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) established his learning system, interacting with scholars of those days. Principally, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) was based on Mengzi(孟子)' theory of LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) explained the meaning of such a conscience through ChuXin(初心) and Inner NeiXin(內心). According to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), ChuXin(初心) arouses when one encounters external things, and this one's intention enables us to make the right judgments over the outside objects. NeiXin(內心) means LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心) that recovered the ability of moral awareness. The important significances of $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) are XinWai WuDao(心外無道), and XinWaiWuTian(心外無天). Through these, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) emphasized that Tian(天), Dao(道), and Li(理) are one. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) arranged a meeting of EHuSi(鵝湖寺), and exerted efforts to negotiate the academic differences between ZhuXi(朱熹) and LuJiuyuan(陸九淵). However, compared with LuJiuyuan(陸九淵) who asserted FaMingBenXin(發明本心), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) put the emphasis on DaoWenXue(道問學) with self-awareness of conscience. Meanwhile, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) valued much of Jing(敬) like ZhuXi(朱熹). But, to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), Jing(敬) meant WuJianDuan(無間斷) of ChunYiBuZa(純一不雜) DaoDeXin(道德心), and implied the same as Cheng(誠). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) stressed the reading and pursuit of study, however, he also asserted that Li(理) could be understood and realized through self-awareness of one's mind and its reflection, and working without interruption. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s academic tradition of the XinXueDe XueFeng(心學的 學風), which reveals through compromise and confrontation with ZhuXi(朱熹), can be said that it will have a significant meaning of idealism of dispute in the Southern Song period.