• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.23-40
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to explore the aesthetic characteristics of outerization phenomenon of contemporary fashion. Outerization, transforming underwear as outerwear, is one of the most dominant and widespread fashion trends in the dawning of new millenium. Fashion always exists for living body and tributes to express idealized beauty of human body and aesthetics of the era. If so, exploring the formative expressions and aesthetic characteristics of outerization would be an meaningful guideline to deduce changed relationship between fashion and body of the 21st century. The methodology of this study is to research of fashion collections such as Paris, Milan and New York which were held the first decade of new millenium, from 2000 Spring/Summer to 2009 Spring/Summer. The styles expressing outerization were selected and assorted based on the main formative expression. Then the aesthetic characteristics were classified. The way of expression of outerization is categorized into 4 parts ; Transition, Exposure, Transparency, and Deconstruction. Aesthetic Characters of outerization is classified 4 assortments as well ; Eroticism, Fun with parody and kitch, cyber culture, Gender politics, and Power fetish. Eroticism is the most clearly identified one. Coming out of underwear imply naked body itself, so it has erotic appeal. Fun is the second character. A pleasant sensation from the outerization of undergarments maximizes a disposition of play from parody, kitch, and cyber culture. The third is Gender Politics and it introspects how the society consumes woman body in history and modern times. Power Fetish, the last one, speaks for the female body with changed vision for femininity underneath the sphere of influence of feminism and post modernism, then emphasizes the subjectivity and independence of woman. From the research above, this study will help to understand the overwhelming outerization phenomenon and contribute to expansion of the horizon of the study of fashion aesthetics. It will serve fashion creative source through various outerization cases as well.

• 지역과문화
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.25-53
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• 2021

Based on the assumption that understandings and practices have been shifted in accordance with the historical context, this study aims to propose future policies to localize cultural diversity. First, in this study, it is necessary for the concept of cultural diversity, which came from political struggles, to understand and practice cultural diversity in the historical context by analyzing the multilayer aspects of policy practices. Second, through the case study of Jeonlabuk-do, by reviewing the discrimination experienced by social minorities and the perception of professionals related to culture policies in the region, this study represents to understand and practice of cultural diversity in the multi-layed way, even in the local. Lastly, it suggests some specific future policies to be considered when implicating the policies of culture diversity in respond to the limits of current government policies, including: decentralization of policies, enhancing local policies, transition from 'politics of distribution' to 'politics of recognition', an interculturalist approach that promotes contact rather than separation

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.115-145
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• 2014

In this paper, the transition of the status of Chinese novels and the change of the knowledge field in the modern times from the end of 19th century to the early 20th century, the transition period between the tradition and the modern times, have been investigated based on Liang Qichao's assertion of the Revolution of the Novel World. How the traditional novels have been evaluated, how modern novels enlightened a people and changed the political society, and what role novels acted in the change of the knowledge field are investigated. Especially I looked into the accumulations of knowledge and changes inside China which were overlooked in the previous researches which focused on the inflow of the Western culture and its impact on Chinese culture. Firstly the evaluation and classification of the traditional novels are considered. Because the transition of the status of novels and the classification method of the catalog of books are tightly coupled with the change of academic ideologies. Later I tried to understand novels as a way of thinking the modern times with a discussion on the changes of modern knowledge society and the consideration of Liang Qichao's Revolution of the Novel World in the two viewpoints, i.e. the relationship between novels and political society, and novels and the style of writing. Liang Qichao raised novels to the topmost position of literature. He pushed the traditional poetry off the top position and replaced it with popular novels. As the outside impact of Western culture made Chinese novels a tool for enlightening the ignorant people and the medium of propagating the knowledge, the status of novels was elevated to the highest level which novels had never reached in the past. With the limitation that the valuation was not based on the aesthetic appreciation of art but based on the value for politics and society, novel was a discourse of life and death to save the country and a container of knowledge to rebuild the people's mind and convert the crisis of the national ruin.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.12
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• pp.125-143
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• 2007

The politics penetrating through the contemporary art since modernism to postmodernism is to accomplish the 'Non-representation' in the artworks. This study argues that postmodernism did not put an end to the formalistic feature of modernism but intended to accomplish it. Modernist art aimed at purity, i.e. self-referential and self-definition art advocated by Clement Greenberg, and it carne to the end by accomplishing flatness and materiality. It was an 'evasion to the matter' which allocated the object from visuality of outer object to the psychic image of the subject. It failed being 'non-representational' as what it really achieved was transition of object. Jean Baudrillard's theory tried to overcome the representational quality by 'being simulacre'. In the representative artworks of the past, the meaning of artworks was reverted under the outer context or object. The meaning again failed being 'Non-representational' as it was restored to the psychic image of the subject in modernist artworks where the definite illusion was demolished Meanwhile, artwork advocating simulacre acquired Non-representational quality by liberating from both models. It did not deconstruct the self-referential tendency of modernism but maximized the Non-representational modernistic principle. After creating 'Non-representation' through simulacre, the existential status and function of an artwork is the inclination and moral of contemporary art as 'Non-representation'. The image theory of Henri Bergson sets the existential status of 'image' as it does not belong to either subject nor object. It provides significant foundation for arguing the existential status of simulacre. Moreover, though an artwork as a fragment forming a movement image in the world cannot represent the object, it can however sustain certain kind of fractal resemblance with the world by letting the two parties communicate. The theory of sense by Gilles Deleuze is of profound significance as it specifically indicated way how the stage of absorption through the unity of subject and object is realized in forms of artworks, and configured the latent and invisible energy.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.107-144
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• 2012

Recently concerns on the energy future are rising in Korea after nuclear disaster of Fukushima in Japan last year. However, even after Fukushima disaster Korean government keeps on insisting nuclear oriented energy policy. Contrary to it, some of civil society's organizations(CSOs) including environment groups and progressive political parties are making strong voices for phase-out nuclear. As a way of phase-out nuclear activity researcher groups based on CSOs have presented several alternative energy scenarios against the official government scenario so that contest between the two senarios seems not to be avoided. This article aims to analyse the politics of expertise around energy scenarios in Korea by highlighting differences between two scenarios of government and CSOs in terms of epistemological and methodological base, value orientation, institutional foundation, and the socio-political contexts of scenarios. Our research shows that government's energy scenario is based on scientific-positivist epistemology, firm belief in value neutrality and forecasting method, and is built by neo-classical economists at government-sponsored research institutes in accordance with the 'Business As Usual' approach. In contrast, alternative scenarios of CSOs can be said to be based on epistemological constructivism, value oriented attitudes and backcasting method, and be built by collaboration of researchers and activists with different academic and social backgrounds after Fukushima nuclear disaster.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.7
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• pp.247-269
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• 2005

The decade of the 1960s in Korea is normally regarded as a transitional period, but this transition has been consistently viewed in either economic or political terms. In this paper I examine the 1960s and the 1970s as a period of cultural transition―from a neo-Confucian emphasis on "high" art to a broader, more inclusive acceptance of "popular" forms of cultural expression. Although these two realms of cultural production are often viewed as fundamentally antithetical, I argue that there is actually significant continuity in terms of both artistic expression and cultural engagement. In particular, I look at the trajectories of Korean national literature and cinema and their areas of confluence. I examine the career of Kim $S{\breve{u}ng-ok$, who in the 1960s was the preeminent literary voice of a new generation and who in the 1970s was the screenwriter for some of the most popular films of that era, and I show how Kim's career changes track parallel changes in both literature and cinema. Artistically, Kim continued his literary expressions of a new sensibility in his screenplays, bringing to cinema a new infusion of seriousness and respectability. Culturally, Kim continued his explorations of the ways in which rapid changes in Korean politics and the booming economy led to miscommunication and chaos in society. By consistently exploring processes of national identity formation and re-formation, Kim's 1960s literature can be seen as crucial instances of Korean national literature (minjok munhak). In the same manner, Kim's 1970s screenplays can be seen as foundational moments in a Korean national cinema.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.66 no.2
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• pp.203-229
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• 2014

This Study has been conducted to examine the transition of Japanese 'Social Welfare' in the light of Monthly Welfare which is the oldest professional journal of social welfare in Japan. Especially, this study has insisted on grasping the interaction among politics, economy, society, and culture through social historic perspective. Consequentially, some important themes are emerged from the journal which had been changed as time passes(Charity, Society and Relief, Social Work, Public Welfare Work, Social Work, and Monthly Welfare) as follows; 'strict declaration of charity and relief', 'relief work and social worker', 'professionalism and science of social work ', 'national life rebuilding and localization of welfare facilities', 'new face of livelihood protection and social work', 'community work and fund raising', and the like. In particular, it is revealed that 'Sahoisaup' is a word of translation from Social Work, in addition this word has been used as a word including diverse works in Japan. Also, it is emphasized that the necessity of Japanese experience could be studied in Korea.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.259-277
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• 2021

This article investigates the geopolitics of the energy transition era, concentrating on China's solar photovoltaic (PV) industry. Authors have noted that the rise of renewables is changing the geopolitical landscape of world energy systems, but these new energy sources carry their own technical characteristics and geopolitical implications. Bearing this in mind, this research answers the questions: What are the structural factors that facilitate China's use of renewable energy to achieve political goals, and what are their implications? In order to analyze the data, I devise an analytical framework based on the energy statecraft literature and contrast rival explanations, particularly the "prosumer theory" and the premise of less geopolitical interdependence in a renewable-centered world. I show that asymmetric interdependence in the solar PV sector is already a reality. China's solar PV industry is a case that suffices all conditions (centrality in industrial capacity, market share, and companies' compliance, but to a lesser extent in critical materials and technological endowments) in the solar PV sector to devise effective strategies aimed at reaping benefits out of its asymmetric interdependence with the rest of the world.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.365-393
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• 2008

This research examnied the roles, the strategies and the influence of labor unions on the pension reform. In Italia labor unions were important actors in pension reform politics during 1990s, but in 2004 labor union was excluded from the pension reform. This difference is not only related with diffusion of the leftist party but also the experience of pension benefit retrenchment of the pension reform in 1995 in which labor unions had initiatives. Labor unions choose their strategies, social dialogue or mass struggle, depending on the attitudes of government. After change of government following the failure of the pension reform in 1994 Italian government tried social dialogue. In Dini reform in 1995, laborunions had initiative in making pension reform plan. Labor unions obtained member's approval using membership vote. It had repressed opposition from militant sectors effectively. However Labor unions concentrated on the issues of transition measures and protecting vested rights in seniority pension ignoring problems of contribution evasion of small-firm workers and benefit adequacy of young workers. Even when labor unions leaded social concertation processes and pursued union democracy, labor unions' influences on the pension reform had fundamental limitations.