• 복식
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• 제1권
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• pp.119-129
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• 1977

It is significant for developing the future for us to know our present age. In order to preserve our Korean costume as a fola clothes retaining our distinguished independent characterisitics and to help design the tomorrow of our Korean costume playing a role as a racial to develop the world clothing culture, a survey was conducted to investigate modern people's conscious-ness and wearing practumes of Korean costume by questionaire and interviewing methods. The results of the survey were analyzed as follows: (1) At present, Korean costumes were purchased as customtailored(64.0%) and as ready-made(17.8%) and most of them were not made at individual homes. The laundry and ironing of them were carried out at laundry shops(68.8%). Considering our present economic, social and cultural aspects, sowing, laundryand ironing will not be carried out at homes again in the future and ready made costumes seen to be produced in a large scale in the future. Garment makers and laundry shop operators should be trained how to make our Korean costumes retain our traditional beauty in the course of their production and laundry and the makers of ready-made costumes must make research how to efficiently produce ideal ready-made costumes by adopting the synchro system in their wrk odisivion. (2) The age group wearing Korean costumes most frequently was the aged people over 60 (their wearing rate; 45%-50%) and the group wearing them most frequently next io the aged people over 60, was housewives(their wearing rate; 15%-20%). Excludign aged people and housewives, other respondentsdid not wear Korean costumes very frequently. Men's wearing rate was lower their wearing rate was the younger their ages were and the less their monthly incomes were. Korean costumes were used for holiday and festival(60%), wedding and funeral ceremonies (52%), visiting and working(22%), casual wear(12.8%) and home wear(9.2%). The use of Korean costumes as casual and home wears, was lower than the use for holday, festival, visiting and working, Under our present circumstances in which our Korean people use both Western style clothes and Korean costumer, our Korean costume has lostits position as a basic and necessary requiement in Korean people's daily life and become a ceremonical and fancy costume. It is natural that the times and life change everything in our daily life. Our costume has to be made as good ceremonial and fancy clothes satisfying modern sensibility according to its new role. In order for us to get close with our clothes, a keen study must be carried out to cleat the color, material, style, function and harmony of the Korean costume matching the of the times. (3) The 47.8% of the respondents answered that they were proud of our Korean costume as our folk clothes, 47.6% replied that thought them just common and 1.1% responded that they were ashamed of it. Most of them were affirmative in feeling pride with our Korean costume. (4) Considering the functional aspect of Korean costumes, their strong points were symetric beauty, rhythmical beauty, unity feeling, harmonical beauty and detailed decorations. Their common shortcomings were lack of individuality and inadequateness for active life. The shortcomings of woman costumes were suppressing breast, making resperation difficult and in adequnteness in summer time. The main reason not to wear our Korean costumes, was due to the fact that they are incomvenient for active life. As a measure to eliminate such shortcomings, 1) the suspension system of skirt to remove the suppression of breast should be generally adopted. 2) they should be simplified in their structure to make them convenient for active life and adepuate in wearing them in hot weather in an extent to which the traditional beauty of the costume may not be lostand 3) a new technique must be explored for showing individuality by wearing method and new arrangment of colors and decorations. (5) The reasons desiring to wear Korean costumes were classifide as follows: A. Korean costumes are our traditional clothes(43.4%). B. Korean costumes are noble and beautiful(26.8%). C. They are accustomed to wear Korean costumes by habit(19.5%). D. Korean costumes are necessary for attending ceremoneis(9.5%). E. Miscellaneous reasons(0.8%). Classifying these reasons into age groups, the high age group over 40 wore them because they were easy to wear by habit and the low age group of 10-30 never thought that they were east to wear by habit. Considering that even those who were accustomed to wear Korean costumes showed a low wearing rate and that the young generation were accustomed to wear Western style clothes rather than Korean costumes, the wearing rate of Korean costumes will be reduced in the future if such trend continues. It is urgent for us to make our best efforts in order to enhance the interest of young generation in Korean costumes and not to make them lose the strong points of Korean costume in the future. (6) Conicering the plan of the respondents on what kind of clothes they were going to wear in the future, among the age group over 50, those who wanted to wear only Korean costumes were 24.8%(men) and 35.1%(women), those who wanted to wear 49.7%(men) and 47.4(women), those who wanted to wear chiefly Western style clothes were 20.7% (men) and 14.4%(women) and those who wanted to wear only Western style clothes, were 2.4% (men) and 2.1%(women). This shows that the general tendency to wear only or chiefly Korean costumes is more prevalent than that to wear only Western style. Among the age group under 50, the tendency to wear Western style clothes was conspicuous and most of the respondent answered that they would wear chiefly Western style clothes and Korean costumes occasionally. Only 5.4% of the respondent answered that they would wear only Western style clothes and this shows that meny respondents still wonted to wear Korean costumes. Those who wanted their descendants to wear what they desire, were 50.1%(men) and 68.8% (women) and those who wanted their descendants to wear Koran costumes occasionally, were 85.8%(men) and 86.3%(women). This shows that most of respondents wanted their descendants to wear Korean costumes. In order to realize, it is necessory for us to make ourdescendants recognize the preciousness of our traditional culture and modify our Korean costumes according to their taste so that they may like wearing them.

• 복식
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• 제53권7호
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• pp.95-109
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• 2003

The style of different styles of clothing have been developed by not only the natural environment and social effects. but also by various variables such as the peculiar cultures and religions of different ethnic groups. It is naturally accepted without question that the origin of trousers was derived from the Skytie race in the modern style of dress. And the style of those trousers has changed and developed throughout a long history in different environments and surroundings. As part of the research of the process in this styles of clothing, it is essential to know how the fabric of trousers has been developed and how the styles have been changed because of different weather conditions and different religions. Nowadays, Eurasian countries was scattered from western and eastern Asian countries to middle Asian countries such as Russia, Uzbekistan, Kazakistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Iran and China. These countries are located on the way to the Silk Road. They are fully developed in a cultural area among the different religions. In terms of cultural aspects within the different religions, men's trousers had developed the traditional style of this dress as one of the importnat items on the cultural basis. The ranges and types of these traditional trousers are divided by the regions, such as west and southern Asia, central Asia and China. Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Turkey. Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Israel was a part of the west and southern Asian countries which were located between western countries and eastern countries. This tribes wore Shalwar trousers which is a wide style of trousers. Shalwar in the western and eastern Asian region has a specific feature by the each nation but has the same distinctions such as by using very wide and loose style and tying a fine thread around the waist. Some central Asian countries consisted of part of China, Turkmenistan. the Republic of Tajikistan. the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the Republic of Afganistan. These style of trousers are compound types which appeared with mixing Draperian Greek culture. So it can be inferred from this data that the horse-riding nomadic trousers which had been handed down from Skytie tribe through Persia. The style of the trousers in those regions has small pieces. The style of the trousers in China, which is located on the way to the far eastern countries, has developed new trousers put together two pieces of the textile. These widen trousers can be worn by using a sash belt. So we can find out that those trousers of countries which mentioned above have a common point and a rule.

• 한국식품조리과학회지
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• 제23권5호
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• pp.731-748
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• 2007

In this study, we investigated e kinds and names of side dishes along with their recipes and ingredients occuring in Korean cookbooks published before the 17th century. The side dishes were classified 79 kinds of Guk, 23 kinds of Jjim and Seon, 15 kinds of Gui, 3 kinds of Jeon, 7 kinds of Nureumi, 3 kinds of Bokkeum, 30 kinds of Chae, 11 kinds of Hoe, 7 kinds of Jwaban, 6 kinds of Mareunchan, 12 kinds of Pyeonyuk and 5 kinds of Jeonyak, Jokpyeon and Sundae. The earliest records were found on Guk, Jjim, Jwaban, Po and Pyeonyuk Gui, Namul and Hoe were recorded after the 1500's and Nureumi, Jeon, Jeonyak, Jokpyeon and Sundae were developed relatively late in the late 17th century. As to the kinds of side dishes, Guk was the most common. Guks cooked before the 17th century used different recipes and more types of ingredients than today, including some that are not used today. For Jjim, various seasonings were added to main ingredients such as poultry, meat, seafood and vegetable. Most of the records found for Jjim used chicken as the main ingredient. Gui was recorded as Jeok or Gui and there weren't many ingredients for Gui before the 17th century. Gui was usually seasoned with salt or soy bean sauce and broiled after applying oil. Vegetables were broiled after a applying flour-based sauce. The Jeon cooked at that time was different from the one that is cooked today in that cow organs or sparrows were soaked in oily soy bean sauce before being stewed. Nureumi, which was popular in the 17th century, but rarely made today, was a recipe consisting of adding a flour or starch-based sauce to stewed or broiled main ingredients. Chae was a side dish prepared with edible plants, tree sprouts or leaves. Chaes like Donga and Doraji were colored with Mandrami or Muroo. Hoe was a boiled Hoe and served after boiling seafood. Jwaban was cooked by applying oil to and then broiling sparrows, dudeok, and mushrooms that had been seasoned and dried. For dried Chans, beef or fish was thin-sliced, seasoned and dried or sea tangle was broiled with pine nuts juice. There are some recipes from the 17th century whose names are gone or the recipes or ingredients have changed. Thus we must to try to rebuild three recipes and develop recipes using our own foods of today.

• 한국전통조경학회지
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• 제36권4호
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• pp.18-27
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• 2018

본 연구는 황가원림이 중국 고전원림을 집대성한 산물임을 상정하고 황가원림에 연출된 경관 특성을 분석한 연구이다. 이화원에는 아름다운 경관을 감상하고자 한 황제의 욕망을 위해 다양한 경관연출기법이 적용되었는데 이에 따른 경관 특성은 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 이화원은 차경, 주경, 배경, 대경, 협경, 분경, 광경, 누경, 첨경 등 다양한 조망처리기법을 통해 다양한 원림경관을 형성하고 있다. 둘째, 남북의 중축선을 기준으로 한 건축물을 대칭구도 및 장랑구조, 시각생리를 고려한 경점의 배치를 통해 경관 감상에 집중할 수 있도록 하였다. 셋째, 중국 각지의 명승지 경관을 이화원의 고유한 지형적 특성에 맞게 도입하는 명경이식기법을 활용하였다. 이화원에는 항주와 기창원, 소주의 산당가의 경관이 재현 이식되어 공통적으로 강남지역의 경관이 이식되어 있음을 확인하였다. 이상의 3가지 기법들은 원림 내에 공간감을 살리고, 풍부한 경관을 연출할 뿐 아니라 유람객의 시선을 자연스럽게 유도하고 집중시키는 효과가 있음을 확인하였다.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.264-277
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• 1994

In Korea the concept of social support was first used as a research concept in nursing and has not had much application in the clinical field. Another problem is that research on social support has used a direct translation of the words “social support” into Korean as “sawhejuk jiji”. Three questions were posed to direct the re-search. 1) Is there a concept of social support in Korean society? 2) if so, what words or expressions are used to de-scribe it? 3) further, if so, how is social support structured and how does it function? In order to answer the research questions a three-step research methodology was used : The first step consisted of a literature review on re-search related to social support and on information on the background of, and the way of thinking re-lated to interpersonal relations among Korean people. The second step, which was done to identify whether there is a concept of social support in korean society, involved interviewing a sample of the population. The third step involved a panel discussion that included the members of the research team and three consultants, a sociologist, a philosopher and a scholor in korean literature. A review of the literature on interpersonal relationships in traditional korean society identified a four cirole structure that explains interpersonal relationships. The first circle with “me” at the center is the family but here “me” disappears into the “we” that is essential for a cooperative agricultural society. In the second circle are those close to “me” but outside the family. The third circle includes those with whom “I ” have infrequent but regular contact and with whom correct conduct is important. The last circle is all the people with whom “I” have nothing in common. They are excluded in interpersonal relationships. The literature on interpersonal relationships showed that within the traditional Korean society people lived in villages where most people were very familiar with each other. “Yun”, the social network established the connection and “Jung”, the feeling of affection increased with time as the connection was strengthened. In the traditional village psychological support was provided through “Mallaniki”, “Pumashi” and “Kae” with the latter two also providing material support. In modern Korea there are more informal and formal social networks, like social services and community activities on the formal level and cultural and leisure groups along with “kae’s on the informal level. But even with this modern variety of groups, most social support comes from informal networks that resemble the traditiorlal “Pumashi”, “Kai” md “Mallaniki”. The six member research team interviewed 65 people in order to identify whether there is a concept of social support and then analysed their responses. There were 20 different words describing the reception of the social support and these could be grouped into seven major categories : virtuous, fortunate, helped, supported, blessed, attached(receiving affection) and receiving (grace) benevolence. there were 27 words describing the act of social support which could be categorized into seven major categories : love, looking after, affection(attachment), kindness(goodness), faith, psychological help and material help. for the meaning of social support translated as “sawhe juk jiji” there were a total of 14 different answers which could be categorized into 3 major categories : help, agreement, and faith. In third step, the results of the literature review and the answers to the questions were discussed in a pannel. The results of the discussion led to the following definition of social support in Korea which is shaped like a the four sided pyramid on a base. Social support is the apex of the pyramid and four sides are made up of : “do-oom” (both emotional and material help), “jung” (connectedness, or relationship bound by affection, regard or shared common experience ), “midum” (faith or belief in), “eunhae” (kindness or benevolence). The research team identified “Yun”( the basic network of relationships) as the base of the pyramid and as such the foundation for the components of social support in Korean culture. On “Yun” rest the other four components of social support : “Jung”, “Midum”, “Do-oom”, and “Eunhae”, For social support to take place there must be “Yun”. This is an important factor in social support. In private social network “Jung” is an essential factor in social support. But not in the public social network. “Yun” is a condition for “Jung” and “Jung” is the manifestation of support.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제29권1호
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• pp.3-15
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• 1994

한국과 일본은 대한해협과 현해탄을 사이에 두고 비교적 가까운 거리에 있다. 그리 고 고대에 선박으로 한반도에서 일본 열도로 건너가는 문제는 일기만 청명하면 별로 어려운 문제가 아니었다고 생각된다. 잘 알려진 바와 같이 고대의 일본은 한반도와의 문화적 교류 와 주민의 이동이 많았고, 그것도 일방적으로 한반도에서 우리 민족이 일본으로 건너가서 우리의 수준 높은 문화를 직접 그들에게 전수시켰고, 일본으르 건너간 많은 주민들은 일본 의 상류층을 형성하였고 그리고 원주민을 지배하였다. 다시 말하면 일본은 고대에서 근세에 이르기까지 한반도에서 다방면의 많은 문화를 수용하였으뎌, 특히 한반도에서 일본으로 건 너간 주민들은 한반도에서 거주하던 민가를 그대로 일본 열도에 재현하였다. 따라서 한.일 양국의 민가는 평면의 구조 면에서 차이점 보다는 유사점이 많게 되었다. 여기서 말하는 유 사점은 현시점에서의 관점이고, 과거로 거슬러 을라가면 갈수록 유사점은 공통점으로 전환 될 것이다. 일본은 19세기 말에 명치유신을 통해서 근대화를 시작하면서 그들의 민가도 부 분적으로 변하기 시작하였다. 그러나 현재도 한국의 민가 증에서, 특히 겹집은 그 구조가 일 본 민가와 매우 유사함을 알 수 있다.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.1-10
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• 2014

최근 전 세계적으로 주목을 받고 있는 빅 데이터로 인해 기억과 망각의 갈림길에서 개별적으로 구축되는 디지털 아카이브의 위상과 가치가 흔들리고 있다. 그것은 시대의 문화 예술 생활 사회 세태 등을 표현한 국민공통의 문화유산이며 잡지, 서적, 그림, 사진, 필름 등 다양한 매체들과 함께 역사의 흔적을 기록하고 보존한다. 그러나 디지털 아카이브 시스템은 최근 디지털화와 네트워크화로 인해 문화와 첨단미디어공학이 결합된 융합학문의 결정체로 문화적 자산을 대중에게 제공하는 새로운 가능성을 열 수 있는 좋은 기회를 갖게 되기도 한다. 본 고는 보존이냐 개방이냐라는 이 같은 양립성에 놓인 영상아카이브의 과도기적 위상을 조명하며 빅데이터를 맞는 그것의 역할과 미래적 상관관계를 고려하면서 문화적 기억을 보존하여 현재화하면서도 어떻게 개방적으로 응용할 수 있을지 주목하였다. 결론적으로는 그 어떤 것도 포기할 수 없고 제한할 수 없기 때문에 두 가지 방향을 모두 고려하면서 적절한 균형을 유지하는 것이 관건이며, 이를 위해서는 여러가지 장래의 노력들이 필요함을 역설하였다.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제32호
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• pp.243-267
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• 2016

더늠은 그것이 더늠이라는 말로 명명되기 그 이전부터 존재했을 것이다. 물론 당시 더늠이라는 말이 지칭했던 대상은 현재 더늠이라는 말로 부르는 대상과 같지 않았다. 더늠이라는 용어의 개념, 이것이 지칭하는 대상의 성격 및 범주에는 나름의 역사적 변천이 있어왔기 때문이다. 본고에서는 더늠의 어원을 조금 다른 각도에서 다시 추적해 보았다. 이 용어가 일상어로 쓰였을 가능성 및 판소리 외의 다른 예술 분야에서 쓰였을 가능성을 검토한 결과, 본래 가락을 범범하게 지칭하는 말이었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 더늠은 국악계에서 널리 쓰이는 '-드름'과 같은 범주에 드는 말이었던 것이다. 하지만 전기팔명창 시대 초창기 및 그 이전에 통용되었던 '가락으로서의 더늠' 개념은 오랜 시간이 흐르는 동안 점차 약화되어 거의 찾아볼 수 없게 되었다. 일상어로 쓰이던 더늠이라는 말이 판소리로 처음 들어왔을 때에는 명창이 구사하는 독특한 가락을 지칭하는 정도의 용어로 쓰였으나 판소리가 예술적으로 발전함에 따라 점차 독립적인 소리 대목 단위를 지칭하는 용어로 바뀌게 되었고, 전기팔명창 시대에는 이러한 용례가 완전히 일반화되었다. 한편 전기팔명창 시대에 더늠으로 인정되었던 소리 대목 대부분은 명창이 새로 만들어 판소리에 편입시킨 창작 레퍼토리, 즉 '창작으로서의 더늠'이었지만, 후기팔명창 시대로 접어들면서는 기존의 더늠을 탁월한 기량으로 소화해 장기화(長技化)한 인기 레퍼토리, 즉 '장기로서의 더늠'도 더늠으로 인정되기 시작했다. 더늠의 용례에 일종의 분화가 있게 된 것이다. 그리고 근대오명창 시대 및 그 이후에 더늠으로 인정받은 소리 대목 대부분은 '장기로서의 더늠'에 포함되기에 이르렀다. 이러한 맥락에서 보면, 정노식은 더늠 개념의 역사적 변천을 세심하게 고려하면서 "조선창극사"의 서술에 임했다고 할 수 있다. "조선창극사"에는 '가락으로서의 더늠', '창작으로서의 더늠', '장기로서의 더늠' 용례가 모두 확인되기 때문이다.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제50권
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• pp.131-172
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• 2018

오늘날 아프리카 사회에서는 신부대 관습이 지극히 왜곡된 형태로 나타나고 있다. 이러한 현상은 남성 지배적인 문화, 서구 종교 및 자본주의 경제 체제가 부정적으로 결합한 결과다. 이것은 신부대가 '전통'과 '근대성'의 충돌과 갈등 속에서 끊임없이 재구성되었음을 의미한다. 신부대 관행이 생계 방식, 조혼, 일부다처제, 친족(가족) 구조, 빈곤, 이주 노동 등과 서로 밀접하게 얽혀 있는 것도 사실이다. 자본주의 경제 체제하에서 신부대는 점점 상업화되고 있다. 이에 따라 신부대의 전통적 상징성은 약화하고 있는 반면, 여성이 물화되는 경향은 강해지고 있다. 신부대의 상업화는 여성 인권 침해, 양성 불평등, 가정 폭력 등을 부추기는 결과를 초래한다. 행위 주체들은 성별, 세대, 계층, 종족 등의 인구학적 사회경제적 배경에 따라 신부대를 다르게 인식한다. 자본주의의 영향으로 신부대가 상업화될수록, 이 제도를 부정적으로 인식하는 사람도 더욱 늘어나게 될 것이다. 신부대라는 관습의 빛깔은 이것을 실천하는 주체들이 사회경제적 변화에 어떤 식으로 반응하느냐에 따라 달라진다. 그들은 주어진 환경 속에서 신부대를 끊임없이 재해석하고 재구성할 것이다.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제14권4호
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• pp.53-78
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• 2011

전통 문화 축제이며 종교적 의례의 성격을 지니고 있는 '죽은 자들의 날'은 아스테카의 종교 의례에서 유래하고 스페인의 멕시코 정복 이후 가톨릭과 혼종적으로 융합되어 오늘의 형태에 이르렀다. 문화 정체성을 구성하는 하나의 코드로서 '죽은 자들의 날'이 지닌 인식도의 정도는 매우 긍정적으로 드러났으며, 종교 간의 차별성의 존재 여부는 가톨릭과 개신교 신자들의 상대적으로 차별적인 반응이 두드러졌다. 성별, 학력별, 혼인여부별 상관성에 의한 결과는 유의미한 차이는 없었으나, 절대 대다수 설문 대상자들이 '죽은 자들의 날'에 대한 정보를 인지하고 있었고, 제단 장식 등에 대한 인상 또한 대체적으로 긍정적이었다. 죽음에 대한 인상 또한 할로윈 축제 등과 본질적으로 구분되는 친밀성으로 이해되고 있으며, '죽은 자들의 날'이 멕시코시티의 문화 정체성을 구성하는 문화코드로서의 문제의식은 종합적 시각에서 매우 긍정적인 개념으로 수용되고 있다. 이는 후속 연구를 통하여 멕시코 사회라는 언어공동체의 문화 정체성 형성의 주된 요소 가운데 하나라고 해석될 수 있다.