• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.751-781
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• 2018

Task of circling the pagoda of Waljeongsa(Woljeongsa Tabdori) is the major intangible cultural heritage with representativeness and historical meaning as a Buddhism culture, one of the Buddhism folk plays, which was firstly played after the liberation. Woljeongsa Tabdori holds significant designation importance in terms of Buddhism folklore heritage with Korean unique tradition and identity of Gangwon-do province. Temples are demonstrating Tabdori nationwide but Woljeongsa Tabdori is the unique case that systematically inherits the culture based on the designation of being intangible cultural heritage. That is why it is needed to focus on the cultural and internal value of Woljeongsa Tabdori. Tabdori is the integrated symbol of Buddhism respect and worship to the Buddha and pagoda. It is hard to presume the originality of Woljeongsa Tabdori: given the history of Woljeonsa temple, it lies into Goguryeo traditional play and Bokhui(Pagoda circling folk play) in Silla era. It fits into the courtesy of Circumambulating Stupa considering Moon in Goguryo mural, background of Odaesan Hwaeom thought/tripitaka and essence of Octagonal 9-story stone pagoda. At the first stage of Tabdori, Buddhist musical instruments such as Buddhism temple bell, singing bowl, cloud-shaped gong and wooden-fish. However, later, Samhyeon Yukgak has been added and then, Boyeom and Bakpaljeongjinga were singing: it could be interpreted that it was a pure Buddhist ceremony but it has become to have traditional aspect and been spread to the public. The origin of Woljeongsa Tabdori is related to the explanation of Circumambulating Stupa that experiences the glory of the ending ceremony. When a temple has a rite, the Buddhists make an offering to the Buddha. At that time, Buddhist prayer, sermon and chant are followed. After the rite, the Buddhists are circling the pagoda with the monks while praying for Buddhist charity and making their own wishes. It prays not only going after death to Nirvana of the one but also national prosperity and the welfare of the people for peaceful reign. As the temple holds bigger rites, many Buddhists gather and the Tabdori was a success. The scene of circling the pagoda and making own wishes in line with the Buddhist sermon was solemn. The idea on changes and convergence of Woljeongsa Tabdori requires strategic inheritance to promote the transmission while maintaining the paragon and purpose of designating the cultural heritage and reviving its identity. Korean Tabdori was held in Buddha's birthday in April and the mid-autumn day. Tabdori is a memorial service type Buddhist ceremony that once the monk holds the Buddhist rosary, circles the pagoda and sings the great mind and charity of the Buddha, Buddhists follow the step, lighting the lantern, circling the pagoda and praying for the gentle and easy death. Transmission education of the successor, diversified approach of the expert's advice and discourse on the revival of the origin should be reinforced in phases.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.693-724
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• 2018

This article was started to find a way for creating a performance out of Gut. In order to find such way, the first thing that had to be done was to organize the Gut performances that had been made until now. It was to organize the existing study on the performances and to seek a different way from it, believing that the virtue of a performance is to 'create diversity'. However, it was not easy to organize the Gut performances, which became full-scale in the 1980s, because they were never organized before. Therefore, based on my direct and indirect experience, I have organized the most important performances in chronological order. Most importantly, as the planners of the performances (can sometimes be a group or an organization instead of an individual) are the ones who make the show possible, I have noted on them with keen interest. The National Folk Art Performance Contests in Korea, Theater 'Space Sarang', The Association of Gut, Theater 'Madangsesil', Seoul Nori Madang, and National Gugak center were the center space and planning body of the Gut performances. Recording the history of Gut is a worthwhile work of its own. However, it is a substantial amount of task to be done with individual effort, and it has to be progressed as a public project in order to promote and spread its value. Therefore, this article raises the need for it. Meanwhile, as stated earlier, this article has recorded the history of Gut performances as a precondition to finding a way to create a performance out of Gut. From the experimental organization of the Gut performances history, I could find out that most of the performances had the people who did Gut as the main body and the method of the Gut performance did not significantly deviate from just reenacting the original Gut at the time of when it was performed. Therefore, I have introduced Shinmyeong, the Nori-Pae (troupe), and TheGwangdae, the Korean Traditional Performance troupe, who create Madangguk from various Gut materials. By refining the wholly complicated performance elements of the Gut, it could escape from the 'reenacting' performance to becoming a material or a metaphor for a whole new performance.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.116
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• pp.225-256
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• 2010

The two school $M{\bar{a}}dhyamika$ and $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ act as a representative of $Mah{\bar{a}}y{\bar{a}}na$ Buddhism in India. But the two school disputed with each other insisting ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}-v{\bar{a}}da$ and $vij{\tilde{n}}aptim{\bar{a}}trav{\bar{a}}da$ separately. To introduce the disputation shortly is as follow. $N{\bar{a}}g{\bar{a}}rjuna$ explained the world and truth by two truth theories(二諦說) which carry out truth of a word and the dimension(spiritual enlightenment) which is absolute(ultimate) to it being lokasaṁvṛtisatya(世俗諦) about the truth which can be expressed verbally, and which is phenomenon-like (everyday) at paramaarthasatya(勝義諦). By the way, lokasaṁvṛtisatya and paramaarthasatya are actually distinction of the recognition which is not an ontological distinction. That is, lokasaṁvṛti(世俗) is paramaartha(勝義) as it is the time of seeing by the eyes of those who have realized. The two truth theories of $N{\bar{a}}g{\bar{a}}rjuna$ was developed logical more precisely by his successors. With an everyday language, the position of Candrakīrti(月稱) that it cannot be expressed as the position of $Bh{\bar{a}}vaviveka$(淸辨) that paramaarthasatya can be expressed logically is opposed to each other, and dissociates by $Sv{\bar{a}}tantrika$(自立論證派) and $P{\bar{a}}rsagika$(歸謬論證派). Confrontation of $Sv{\bar{a}}tantrika$ and $P{\bar{a}}rsagika$ is the dispute about the ability of s which is the highest truth to be proved logically. The $P{\bar{a}}rsaga$ of Candrakirti thinks that people exist truly, and is because it claims not existing in the world where a favorite thing is actually actual. However, $Bh{\bar{a}}vaviveka$ proved Sunyata(空性)을 positively based on the reliance to language and logic. Also the mokṣa of $M{\bar{a}}dhyamika$ is not recovery of original condition of $vij{\tilde{n}}apti$ which is pure in itself as $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ saying, as well as obtaining a thing which is dravya-sat as $Sarv{\bar{a}}stiv{\bar{a}}din$ saying. The mokṣa of $M{\bar{a}}dhyamika$ means a condition of liberated from karma and pains through extinction of $prapa{\tilde{n}}ca$ and discrimination by realizing the real aspect of all dharma which is said by pratītyasamutpāda, $praj{\tilde{n}}apti$, niḥsvabhāva, ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nya$, $madhyam{\bar{a}}pratipad$.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.1-22
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• 2014

Columns 12-18 record a conversation between an aged Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong concerning the Changes and especially the role of divination in its use. The last section, from the bottom of column 24, concerns the hexagrams Sun損, "Decrease," and Yi益, "Increase," which Confucius is here made to regard as the culmination of wisdom in the Zhouyi. The conversation between Confucius and Zi Gong, and especially Zi Gong's apparent misunderstanding of Confucius's interest in the text, has already attracted considerable scholarly interest. Zi Gong criticizes Confucius for changing his teaching about the importance of the Zhouyi and for performing divinations. Confucius responds that while he does indeed perform divinations. there is a major difference between his use of the text and that of others: he regards the I Ching as a repository of an ancient wisdom. This would seem to signal recognition of a dramatic change in the function and status of the text. Zi Gong said: "Does the Master also believe in milfoil divination?" The Master said: "I am right in only seventy out of one hundred prognostications. Even with the prognostications of Liangshan of Zhou one necessarily follows it most of the time and no more." The Master said: "As for the Changes, I do indeed put its prayers and divinations last, only observing its virtue and property. Intuiting the commendations to reach the number, and understanding the number to reach virtue, is to have humaneness and to put it into motion properly. If the commendation do not lead to the number, then merely acts as a magician; if the number does not lead to virtue, then one merely acts as a scribe. The divinations of scribes and magicians tend toward it but are not yet there; delight in it but are not correct. Perhaps it will be because of the Changes that sires of later generations will doubt me. I seek its virtue and nothing more. I am on the same road as the scribes and magicians but end up differently. The conduct of the gentleman's virtue is to seek blessings; that is why he sacrifices, but little; the righteousness of his humaneness is to seek auspiciousness; that is why he divines, but rarely. Do not the divinations of priest and magicians come last!" Although Confucius says two ways of the symbolic numbers and virtue-property, he emphasizes his way of virtue and property more important. In fact he who wrote in Yao 要, "essentials," Confucius's saying describes his own viewpoints of the Changes throughout the conversations between Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong, and is only to borrow the name of Confucius. Furthermore, quoting the original text in Yao 要, "essentials," in sequence, also comparing the materials of "the Analects of Confucius論語," with "the Shih chi史記," this thesis will be centered to a great extent on the relative similarity and differences between the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript and the received text, and discussed the authencity of Yao 要, "essentials," of the contents shown in the chapter of 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes."' the relation of Confucius and the Changes will be clarified naturally through this progress.

• 한국노년학
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.1057-1081
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• 2018

This study analyzed the case of elderly care cluster in Gwangjin-gu to explore the possibilities of social economy as a provider of community-based social services. Community-based means the approach by which community organizations build a voluntary and collaborative network to enhance collective problem-solving abilities. Therefore, it is very likely that the social economy that emphasizes people, labor, community, and democratic principles can contribute to community-based social services. This study analyzed social economic network by using four characteristics of social economy suggested by OECD community economy and employment program as an analysis framework. The results of this study are as follows: First, it is found that social economy would hardly supply community-based social services through network cooperation because of a large variation in community identity, investment to new product, and labor protection. Second, community users are not the consumers of the social economy and the products of the social economy stay in market products only for the organizations in social economy. In order to create good services that meet the needs of residents, community development approaches are required at the same time. The importance of community space where local residents and social economy meet is derived. Third, public support such as purchasing support has weakened the ecosystem of social economy by making the distinction between public economy and social economy more obscure. On the other hand, public investment in community infrastructure is an indirect aid to social economy to communicate with residents and to promote good supply and consumption. In the end, community-based social services need a platform where the social economy and the people meet. This type of public investment can create the ecosystem of the social economy.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.33-56
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• 2015

Trauma studies have provided useful models for dealing with the catastrophic and disastrous events that an individual and collective group experience. Most important of all, the perspective of post-structuralist trauma study, including Cathy Caruth, became a paradigmatic model and it has been applied to almost all contexts of life. The perspective of this study model, which is called an "event-based model of trauma," focuses on the literal registration of the traumatic event and the accurate and immediate recall of the past. The person directly involved in the event becomes the passive bearer transmitting the truth of a traumatic event. From this perspective, the traumatic subject only undergoes and endures the event and cannot play an active role in constructing trauma and dealing with it. Eventually, the truth of trauma has to be obtained at the cost of the traumatic subject's autonomy and the possibility of his/her agency. The problem here is that the truth, which is reencountered through the literal return of the past, obtained at the cost of the subject's autonomy, strikes a rather fatal blow to the person, than gives help for resolving many of matters surrounding traumatic experience and curing trauma. This suggests that the active way of dealing with trauma on the part of the traumatic subject, rather than the traumatic event itself, is demanded. Furthermore, because more recently, images of disastrous events were viewed "live" by audiences and an immediacy to the event is replicated in public discourse about them, the event becomes more immediately traumatic and there is a more strong presumption that people regard themselves as traumatic victims than before. This is the reason that we must explore an active way dealing with trauma on more human position at this time. This essay aims to examine the limits of the paradigmatic model of trauma study, an "event-based model of trauma," critically through a literary, theoretical text in which it reveals how the literal return of the traumatic past have a fatal effect on the victim; and hopes to suggest "the narrative memory" as a way to deal with trauma from a more humanistic perspective.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.191-222
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• 2011

Traditionally, the origin of the Han River has been thought as Utongsu(于筒水) and Geumgangyeon(金剛淵). As both of these places are located in Odaesan(五臺山) the $Ma{\tilde{n}}ju{\acute{s}}ri$(文殊) Holy Place, we can well assume the possibility of Buddhist influence on them. In the Buddhist understanding on the origin of the Han River, what we should first notice are 'the recognition on the water of Buddhism' and 'the recognition on the river in Indian culture.' With the reviews, we may come to see by what standpoint these could become existed, if there were Buddhist influences on the recognition of Han River's origin. Based on these Buddhist and Indo-cultural view points, the author tries to make more dearly the definition of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon that are recognized as the origin of the Han River. Through it, we can check the relation of Buddhism and Indian culture in their influence on the concepts of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon. In Indian culture, what is noticed in relation with the origin of the river is Anavatapta, in which the sacredness of the water named the 8 virtuous waters is recorded. It is the materialistic sacredness which can be compared with the sacred feature of Utongsu that "its color and taste are far greater than other waters, and so is its weight. ${\cdots}$ Its color and taste do not change even after it flows into the Han River." Furthermore, both of Anavatapta and Utongsu have the same symbolism of dragon that the highest dragon king and a divine dragon were told to live in respective lakes. This similar structure found in the recognition of two rivers' origin may become an evidence of Buddhist influence on the recognition of the Han River's origin. The recognition of the Han River's origin is based on the traditional culture. Therefore, it may be natural that there is the Buddhist culture in it. At the same time, some viewpoints of Chinese culture can be found in it. So, the traditional recognition on the Han River's origin comprises diversity and complexity of Indian and Chinese cultures together.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.213-238
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to study logical status and meaning of '$l{\grave{e}}i$[類]' in integrated concept system of 'míng[名]'. The subordinate relationships and integrated systems between genus and species are made up 'míng[名]' in pre-Chin's logical arguments. And '$l{\grave{e}}i$[類]' is a concept that designate what kind of category in all names of sorts and kinds in early China. The logical argumentations of early Chinese philosophers reflect subordinate relationship and integrated system of 'míng[名]'. And then early Chinese philosophers use the 'míng[名]' in other to denote a general concept that totally indicate meanings of genus and species like as Confucius' '$zh{\grave{e}}ng$ míng[正名]'. However early Chinese philosophers make philosophical issues of correspondence between míng[名] and shí[實], not subordinate relationships between genus and species. And then they use the 'míng[名]' in other to denotes not a general concept but a kind of category. Therefore the concept of 'míng[名]' used as a meaning of general concept and sorted out integrated concept system of 'míng[名]' as two categories of míng[名] and shí[實] at the same time in logical argumentations of early Chinese philosophers. The '$l{\grave{e}}i$[類]' of pre-Chin difference from genus of Aristotle spontaneously and conceptually. It is not a concept that in other to compose subordinate relationships and integrated systems. It is not a kind of genus. It divide a kind of denotation that means some kind of aggregations into existence and nonexistence. And it divide a kind of connotation that means some kind of attributes into same and difference. When early Chinese philosophers make distinction and demonstration the correspondence between míng[名] and shí[實], so to speak distinction mean to divide and classify into correspondence or non-correspondence, and demonstration mean to argue about the division and classification. Therefore the concept of '$l{\grave{e}}i$[類]' is a criteria that is to divide and classify the correspondence between míng[名] and shí[實] in integrated concept system of 'míng[名]'.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.50
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• pp.395-424
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to examine the current situation and background of the Russian consumer music market, where digital music sources are making great strides in the noted recent years. In addition, music storage technology, media and change are considered together in this report. Moreover, Russia is the 12th largest music market in the world. The Russian music industry is following the recent trend of the global music industry, where the digital music market is growing rapidly on many different levels. The explosive growth of the digital sound sources in Russia's music industry is attributed to the explosive increase in available consumer downloads, streaming sound source service, and the increase in the number of digital sound sources using mobile technologies due to the development of the Internet. In particular, the sales of the available and accessible streaming sound sources are expected to grow explosively by the year 2020, which is expected to account for more than 85% of total digital music sales. In other words, the spread of smartphones and the resulting changes in the lifestyle of the Russians have created these changes for the global consumer of music. In other words, the time has come for anyone to easily access music and listen to music without a separate audio or digital player. And the fact that the Russian government's strong policy on the eradication of illegal copying of music is becoming an effective deterrent, as is also the factor that led to the increase of the share of the digital sound source to increase sales in Russia. Today, the Russian music industry is leading this change through the age and process of simply adapting to the digital age. Music is the most important element of cultural assets, and it is the beneficial content, which drives the overall growth of the digital economy. In addition, if the following five improvements(First, strengthen the consciousness of the Russian people about copyright protection; Second, utilizing the Big Data Internet resources in the digital music industry; Third, to improve the monopoly situation of digital music distributors; Fourth, distribution of fair music revenues; and Fifth, revitalization of a re-investment in the current Russian music industry) are effective and productive, Russia's role and position in the world music market is likely to expand.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.127-155
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• 2018

This paper considers the structure and meaning of the folktale accompaniment of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree. The review process examined the meaning of each structure of the UlsanSoeburisoree in the preparation process while preparing the main elements of the structural features along with the historical background of the structure. UlsanSoeburisoree is Poongcheol ritual ceremony which means prayer ceremony for the production of iron. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree is 1-Gilnori 2-Gosa 3-The sound of blowing smelting process 4-The sound of process of iron smelting 5-The sound of tabooline 6-The sound of blowing smelting process 7-The sound of blowing matches 8-The After-party. This structure is in line with the structure of folk play called Gilnory-Gosa-Performance-After-party. This is similar to the basic structure of folk beliefs Cheongsin(請神)-Osin(娛神)-Songsin(送神). Thus, the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree was formulated in a sequential parallel structure. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree resemble the sacrifice of heaven ceremony since the time of the SamHan dynasty. The sound of the birth of life by physical sacrifice also plays the role of the song of creation of new life. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree can be seen not only in Korea 's folk culture but also in folk culture of GyeongnamDo area. There are many festivals to pray for the abundance of life for UlsanSoeburisoree. Soil plays an absolute role in the process of producing iron. For those who soak it, the earth is a religious object. Among the folk tales handed down in the Yeongnam area, there are a lot of performances that are passed down through the blending of the people 's affection to overcome the harshness of life. In the case of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree, it can be said that it was made and mixed with the wind that wanted to go beyond the harshness of life and the spirit of art.