• 제목/요약/키워드: theories of western

검색결과 163건 처리시간 0.033초

고령화 사회에서 한국인의 건강과 삶의 질 (Health and quality of life for Korean people in ageing society)

  • 서경현
    • 한국심리학회지 : 문화 및 사회문제
    • /
    • 제12권5호_spc
    • /
    • pp.133-147
    • /
    • 2006
  • 한국 사회가 빠르게 고령화 사회가 되고 있다. 한국인들은 자신의 부모들 세대보다 더 오래 살아야 한다. 기대 여명이 증가하고 사회구조가 변하면서 사람들은 삶의 질에 관심을 가지게 되었고, 한국 사회에는 웰빙 붐이 일었다, 그리고 한국인들에게 질 높은 삶을 위해서는 건강이 필수라는 인식이 자리 잡았다. 이런 건강에 대한 관심은 건강행동들로 이어진다. 한국인들의 건강관련지출은 다른 선진국들보다 훨씬 적지만 계속 증가추세에 있고, 앞으로의 초과 지출에 많은 부분이 질병예방과 장기요양시설의 확충에 투자될 것이다. 서양과는 다른 문화권에서는 사는 한국인의 삶의 질의 구성요인과 건강행동은 서양인과 다른 점이 있을 것이다 선행연구들에서 삶의 질에 대한 중요도로 건강이 최우선 순위로 나타나지 않은 것이 건강이 삶의 질에 결정적인 요인이 아니라는 것을 의미하지는 않는다. 건강은 삶의 질에 있어서 기본이다 .각종 질병에 의해 낮아진 삶의 질과 그것을 개선하기 위한 방법에 관한 다양한 연구들이 그것을 반증하고 있다. 건강 행동을 설명하는 모형들에서는 건강과 관련된 신념이나 태도 혹은 의도, 지각된 행동 통제력, 그리고 자기효능감 등이 중요한 요인으로 제시되었다. 나이가 들수록 신체적이고 생리적인 기능이 쇠퇴하고 만성질병에 걸릴 가능성이 높아지지만, 삶의 질은 그런 변화에 어떻게 반응하고 적응하느냐에 달려있다. 다른 어느 시기보다 노년기에서는 사회적 지원이 삶의 질을 위해 결정적인데, 특히 자녀로부터 지원이 중요하다. 자녀로부터의 지원은 한국 노인 개인의 자존감에 영향을 미치기 때문에 가정에서의 불화를 타인에게 노출하기 꺼려할 수 있다. 자기노출을 꺼리는 것은 다른 사회적 지원의 통로를 차단하기도 하고 그 자체가 건강을 해칠 수 있기 때문에 심리적 개입이 요구된다. 한국인의 기대 여명이 크게 증가하였기 때문에 정책적으로는 장기요양시설이 확충되어야 하겠지만 심리적 사회적 지원이 필요할 수밖에 없다. 그러나 한국에서는 개인 혹은 사회의 건강을 도모하고 삶의 질을 개선하는데 심리학자들이 크게 기여할 수 있다는 것이 국민들에게 충분히 알려져 있지 않다. 앞으로 심리학자들도 관심을 가지고 삶의 질과 관련하여 한국인의 건강에 적극적으로 개입할 수 있기를 기대한다.

'아유르베다'($\bar{A}yurveda$)의 의경(醫經)에 관한 연구 (A Study of The Medical Classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$')

  • 김기욱;박현국;서지영
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
    • /
    • 제20권4호
    • /
    • pp.91-117
    • /
    • 2007
  • Through a simple study of the medical classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', we have summarized them as follows. 1) Traditional Indian medicine started in the Ganges river area at about 1500 B. C. E. and traces of medical science can be found in the "Rigveda" and "Atharvaveda". 2) The "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞集)", ancient texts from India, are not the work of one person, but the result of the work and errors of different doctors and philosophers. Due to the lack of historical records, the time of Charaka or $Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞)s' lives are not exactly known. So the completion of the "Charaka" is estimated at 1st${\sim}$2nd century C. E. in northwestern India, and the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" is estimated to have been completed in 3rd${\sim}$4th century C. E. in central India. Also, the "Charaka" contains details on internal medicine, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" contains more details on surgery by comparison. 3) '$V\bar{a}gbhata$', one of the revered Vriddha Trayi(triad of the ancients, 三醫聖) of the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', lived and worked in about the 7th century and wrote the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ $A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ $h\d{r}daya$ $sa\d{m}hit\bar{a}$ $samhit\bar{a}$(八支集)" and "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$(八心集)", where he tried to compromise and unify the "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". The "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$" was translated into Tibetan and Arabic at about the 8th${\sim}$9th century, and if we generalize the medicinal plants recorded in each the "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" and the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", there are 240, 370, 240 types each. 4) The 'Madhava' focused on one of the subjects of Indian medicine, '$Nid\bar{a}na$' ie meaning "the cause of diseases(病因論)", and in one of the copies found by Bower in 4th century C. E. we can see that it uses prescriptions from the "BuHaLaJi(布哈拉集)", "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". 5) According to the "Charaka", there were 8 branches of ancient medicine in India : treatment of the body(kayacikitsa), special surgery(salakya), removal of alien substances(salyapahartka), treatment of poison or mis-combined medicines(visagaravairodhikaprasamana), the study of ghosts(bhutavidya), pediatrics(kaumarabhrtya), perennial youth and long life(rasayana), and the strengthening of the essence of the body(vajikarana). 6) The '$\bar{A}yurveda$', which originated from ancient experience, was recorded in Sanskrit, which was a theorization of knowledge, and also was written in verses to make memorizing easy, and made medicine the exclusive possession of the Brahmin. The first annotations were 1060 for the "Charaka", 1200 for the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$", 1150 for the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and 1100 for the "$Nid\bar{a}na$", The use of various mineral medicines in the "Charaka" or the use of mercury as internal medicine in the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and the palpation of the pulse for diagnosing in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' and 'XiZhang(西藏)' medicine are similar to TCM's pulse diagnostics. The coexistence with Arabian 'Unani' medicine, compromise with western medicine and the reactionism trend restored the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' today. 7) The "Charaka" is a book inclined to internal medicine that investigates the origin of human disease which used the dualism of the 'Samkhya', the natural philosophy of the 'Vaisesika' and the logic of the 'Nyaya' in medical theories, and its structure has 16 syllables per line, 2 lines per poem and is recorded in poetry and prose. Also, the "Charaka" can be summarized into the introduction, cause, judgement, body, sensory organs, treatment, pharmaceuticals, and end, and can be seen as a work that strongly reflects the moral code of Brahmin and Aryans. 8) In extracting bloody pus, the "Charaka" introduces a 'sharp tool' bloodletting treatment, while the "$Su\scute{s}hruta$" introduces many surgical methods such as the use of gourd dippers, horns, sucking the blood with leeches. Also the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" has 19 chapters specializing in ophthalmology, and shows 76 types of eye diseases and their treatments. 9) Since anatomy did not develop in Indian medicine, the inner structure of the human body was not well known. The only exception is 'GuXiangXue(骨相學)' which developed from 'Atharvaveda' times and the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$". In the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$"'s 'ShenTiLun(身體論)' there is a thorough listing of the development of a child from pregnancy to birth. The '$\bar{A}yurveda$' is not just an ancient traditional medical system but is being called alternative medicine in the west because of its ability to supplement western medicine and, as its effects are being proved scientifically it is gaining attention worldwide. We would like to say that what we have researched is just a small fragment and a limited view, and would like to correct and supplement any insufficient parts through more research of new records.

  • PDF

아유르베다'($\bar{A}yurveda$) 의경(醫經)에 관한 연구 (A Study of The Medical Classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$')

  • 김기욱;박현국;서지영
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
    • /
    • 제10권
    • /
    • pp.119-145
    • /
    • 2008
  • Through a simple study of the medical classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', we have summarized them as follows. 1) Traditional Indian medicine started in the Ganges river area at about 1500 B. C. E. and traces of medical science can be found in the "Rigveda" and "Atharvaveda". 2) The "Charaka(閣羅迦集)" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞集)", ancient texts from India, are not the work of one person, but the result of the work and errors of different doctors and philosophers. Due to the lack of historical records, the time of Charaka(閣羅迦) or $Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞)s' lives are not exactly known. So the completion of the "Charaka" is estimated at 1st$\sim$2nd century C. E. in northwestern India, and the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" is estimated to have been completed in 3rd$\sim$4th century C. E. in central India. Also, the "Charaka" contains details on internal medicine, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" contains more details on surgery by comparison. 3) '$V\bar{a}gbhata$', one of the revered Vriddha Trayi(triad of the ancients, 三醫聖) of the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', lived and worked in about the 7th century and wrote the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ $Ast\bar{a}nga$ hrdaya $samhit\bar{a}$ $samhit\bar{a}$(八支集) and "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$(八心集)", where he tried to compromise and unify the "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". The "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$" was translated into Tibetan and Arabic at about the 8th$\sim$9th century, and if we generalize the medicinal plants recorded in each the "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", there are 240, 370, 240 types each. 4) The 'Madhava' focused on one of the subjects of Indian medicine, '$Nid\bar{a}na$' ie meaning "the cause of diseases(病因論)", and in one of the copies found by Bower in 4th century C. E. we can see that it uses prescriptions from the "BuHaLaJi(布唅拉集)", "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". 5) According to the "Charaka", there were 8 branches of ancient medicine in India : treatment of the body(kayacikitsa), special surgery(salakya), removal of alien substances(salyapahartka), treatment of poison or mis-combined medicines(visagaravairodhikaprasamana), the study of ghosts(bhutavidya), pediatrics(kaumarabhrtya), perennial youth and long life(rasayana), and the strengthening of the essence of the body(vajikarana). 6) The '$\bar{A}yurveda$', which originated from ancient experience, was recorded in Sanskrit, which was a theorization of knowledge, and also was written in verses to make memorizing easy, and made medicine the exclusive possession of the Brahmin. The first annotations were 1060 for the "Charaka", 1200 for the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$", 1150 for the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and 1100 for the "$Nid\bar{a}na$". The use of various mineral medicines in the "Charaka" or the use of mercury as internal medicine in the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and the palpation of the pulse for diagnosing in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' and 'XiZhang(西藏)' medicine are similar to TCM's pulse diagnostics. The coexistence with Arabian 'Unani' medicine, compromise with western medicine and the reactionism trend restored the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' today. 7) The "Charaka" is a book inclined to internal medicine that investigates the origin of human disease which used the dualism of the 'Samkhya', the natural philosophy of the 'Vaisesika' and the logic of the 'Nyaya' in medical theories, and its structure has 16 syllables per line, 2 lines per poem and is recorded in poetry and prose. Also, the "Charaka" can be summarized into the introduction, cause, judgement, body, sensory organs, treatment, pharmaceuticals, and end, and can be seen as a work that strongly reflects the moral code of Brahmin and Aryans. 8) In extracting bloody pus, the "Charaka" introduces a 'sharp tool' bloodletting treatment, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" introduces many surgical methods such as the use of gourd dippers, horns, sucking the blood with leeches. Also the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" has 19 chapters specializing in ophthalmology, and shows 76 types of eye diseases and their treatments. 9) Since anatomy did not develop in Indian medicine, the inner structure of the human body was not well known. The only exception is 'GuXiangXue(骨相學)' which developed from 'Atharvaveda' times and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$". In the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$"'s 'ShenTiLun(身體論)' there is a thorough listing of the development of a child from pregnancy to birth. The '$\bar{A}yurveda$' is not just an ancient traditional medical system but is being called alternative medicine in the west because of its ability to supplement western medicine and, as its effects are being proved scientifically it is gaining attention worldwide. We would like to say that what we have researched is just a small fragment and a limited view, and would like to correct and supplement any insufficient parts through more research of new records.

  • PDF

인문지리학 방법론의 새로운 지평 (New horizon of geographical method)

  • 최병두
    • 대한지리학회지
    • /
    • 제38권
    • /
    • pp.15-36
    • /
    • 1988
  • In this paper, I consider the development of methods in contemporary human geography in terms of a dialectical relation of action and structure, and try to draw a new horizon of method toward which geographical research and spatial theory would develop. The positivist geography which was dominent during 1960s has been faced both with serious internal reflections and strong external criticisms in the 1970s. The internal reflections that pointed out its ignorance of spatial behavior of decision-makers and its simplication of complex spatial relations have developed behavioural geography and systems-theoretical approach. Yet this kinds of alternatives have still standed on the positivist, geography, even though they have seemed to be more real and complicate than the previous one, The external criticisms that have argued against the positivist method as phenomenalism and instrumentalism suggest some alternatives: humanistic geography which emphasizes intention and action of human subject and meaning-understanding, and structuralist geography which stresses on social structure as a totality which would produce spatial phenomena, and a theoretical formulation. Human geography today can be characterized by a strain and conflict between these methods, and hence rezuires a synthetic integration between them. Philosophy and social theory in general are in the same in which theories of action and structural analysis have been complementary or conflict with each other. Human geography has fallen into a further problematic with the introduction of a method based on so-called political ecnomy. This method has been suggested not merely as analternative to the positivist geography, but also as a theoretical foundation for critical analysis of space. The political economy of space with has analyzed the capitalist space and tried to theorize its transformation may be seen either as following humanistic(or Hegelian) Marxism, such as represented in Lefebvre's work, or as following structuralist Marxism, such as developed in Castelles's or Harvey's work. The spatial theory following humanistic Marxism has argued for a dialectic relation between 'the spatial' and 'the social', and given more attention to practicing human agents than to explaining social structures. on the contray, that based on structuralist Marxism has argued for social structures producing spatial phenomena, and focused on theorising the totality of structures, Even though these two perspectives tend more recently to be convergent in a way that structuralist-Marxist. geographers relate the domain of economic and political structures with that of action in their studies of urban culture and experience under capitalism, the political ecnomy of space needs an integrated method with which one can overcome difficulties of orthhodox Marxism. Some novel works in philosophy and social theory have been developed since the end of 1970s which have oriented towards an integrated method relating a series of concepts of action and structure, and reconstructing historical materialism. They include Giddens's theory of structuration, foucault's geneological analysis of power-knowledge, and Habermas's theory of communicative action. Ther are, of course, some fundamental differences between these works. Giddens develops a theory which relates explicitly the domain of action and that of structure in terms of what he calls the 'duality of structure', and wants to bring time-space relations into the core of social theory. Foucault writes a history in which strategically intentional but nonsubjective power relations have emerged and operated by virtue of multiple forms of constrainst wihthin specific spaces, while refusing to elaborate any theory which would underlie a political rationalization. Habermas analyzes how the Western rationalization of ecnomic and political systems has colonized the lifeworld in which we communicate each other, and wants to formulate a new normative foundation for critical theory of society which highlights communicatie reason (without any consideration of spatial concepts). On the basis of the above consideration, this paper draws a new norizon of method in human geography and spatial theory, some essential ideas of which can be summarized as follows: (1) the concept of space especially in terms of its relation to sociery. Space is not an ontological entity whch is independent of society and has its own laws of constitution and transformation, but it can be produced and reproduced only by virtue of its relation to society. Yet space is not merlely a material product of society, but also a place and medium in and through which socety can be maintained or transformed.(2) the constitution of space in terms of the relation between action and structure. Spatial actors who are always knowledgeable under conditions of socio-spatial structure produce and reproduce their context of action, that is, structure; and spatial structures as results of human action enable as well as constrain it. Spatial actions can be distinguished between instrumental-strategicaction oriented to success and communicative action oriented to understanding, which (re)produce respectively two different spheres of spatial structure in different ways: the material structure of economic and political systems-space in an unknowledged and unitended way, and the symbolic structure of social and cultural life-space in an acknowledged and intended way. (3) the capitalist space in terms of its rationalization. The ideal development of space would balance the rationalizations of system space and life-space in a way that system space providers material conditions for the maintainance of the life-space, and the life-space for its further development. But the development of capitalist space in reality is paradoxical and hence crisis-ridden. The economic and poltical system-space, propelled with the steering media like money, and power, has outstriped the significance of communicative action, and colonized the life-space. That is, we no longer live in a space mediated communicative action, but one created for and by money and power. But no matter how seriously our everyday life-space has been monetalrized and bureaucratised, here lies nevertheless the practical potential which would rehabilitate the meaning of space, the meaning of our life on the Earth.

  • PDF

라우센버그와 게임하기-<리버스> 다시읽기 (Playing with Rauschenberg: Re-reading Rebus)

  • 이지은
    • 미술이론과 현장
    • /
    • 제2호
    • /
    • pp.27-48
    • /
    • 2004
  • Robert Rauschenberg's artistic career has often been regarded as having reached its culmination when the artist won the first prize at the 1964 Venice Biennale. With this victory, Rauschenberg triumphantly entered the pantheon of all-American artists and firmly secured his position in the history of American art. On the other hand, despite the artist's ongoing new experiments in his art, the seemingly precocious ripeness in his career has led the critical discourses on Rauschenberg's art to the artist's early works, most of which were done in the mid-1950s and the 1960s. The crux of Rauschenberg criticism lies not only in focusing on the artist's 50's and 60's works, but also in its large dismissal of the significance of the imagery that the artist employed in his works. As art historians Roger Cranshaw and Adrian Lewis point out, the critical discourse of Rauschenberg either focuses on the formalist concerns on the picture plane, or relies on the "culturalist" interpretation of Rauschenberg's imagery which emphasizes the artist's "Americanness." Recently, a group of art historians centered around October has applied Charles Sanders Peirce's semiotics as art historical methodology and illuminated the indexical aspects of Rauschenberg's work. The semantic inquiry into Rauschenberg's imagery has also been launched by some art historians who seek the clues in the artist's personal context. The first half of this essay will examine the previous criticism on Rauschenberg's art and the other half will discuss the artist's 1955 work Rebus, which I think intersects various critical concerns of Rauschenberg's work, and yet defies the closure of discourses in one direction. The categories of signs in the semiotics of Charles Sanders Peirce and the discourse of Jean-Francois Lyotard will be used in discussing the meanings of Rebus, not to search for the semantic readings of the work, hut to make an analogy in terms of the paradoxical structures of both the work and the theory. The definitions of rebus is as follows: Rebus 1. a representation or words or syllables by pictures of object or by symbols whose names resemble the intended words or syllables in sound; also: a riddle made up wholly or in part of such pictures or symbols. 2. a badge that suggests the name of the person to whom it belongs. Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged. Since its creation in 1955, Robert Rauschenberg's Rebus has been one of the most intriguing works in the artist's oeuvre. This monumental 'combine' painting($6feet{\times}10feet$ 10.5 inches) consists of three panels covered with fabric, paper, newspaper, and printed reproductions. On top of these, oil paints, pencil and crayon drawings connect each section into a whole. The layout of the images is overall horizontal. Starting from a torn election poster, which is partially read as "THAT REPRE," on the far left side of the painting. Rebus leads us to proceed from the left to the right, the typical direction of reading in a Western context. Along with its seemingly proper title. Rebus, the painting has triggered many art historians to seek some semantic readings of it. These art historians painstakingly reconstruct the iconography based on the artist's interviews, (auto)biography, and artistic context of his works. The interpretation of Rebus varies from a 'image-by-image' collation with a word to a more general commentary on Rauschenberg's work overall, such as a work that "bridges between art and life." Despite the title's allusion to the legitimate purpose of the painting as a decoding of the imagery into sound, Rebus, I argue, actually hinders a reading of it. By reading through Peirce to Rauschenberg, I will delve into the subtle anxiety between words and images in their works. And on this basis, I suggest Rauschenberg's strategy in playing Rebus is to hide the meaning of the imagery rather than to disclose it.

  • PDF

한국인에 있어서 대장의 작은 용종의 의의 (The Significance of Small Polyp of Colon in Koreans)

  • 권순욱;이은주;은종열;최선택;이학준;장병익;김태년;정문관
    • Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
    • /
    • 제17권1호
    • /
    • pp.39-48
    • /
    • 2000
  • 대장암의 발생에는 adenoma-carcinoma sequence 가설과 de novo cancer 가설이 있다. 서양에서는 adenoma-carcinoma sequence에 의해 주로 대장암이 발생한다고 생각하지만 최근 일본을 중심으로 1 cm 이하의 작은 용종에서 암 조직이 많이 발견되면서 어느 가설이 옳은 것인지에 대한 논란이 되고 있다. 이에 우리나라 사람에서의 작은 용종의 특성을 알고자 본 연구를 시행하였다. 연구 대상은 1999년 5월부터 1999년 9월까지 각종 소화기 증상 및 대장암의 감시검사를 원하는 환자를 대상으로 전향적 검사를 시행하였고 용종의 대장 내시경 소견과 조직검사 소견을 분석하여 용종의 발견빈도, 위치, 크기, 모양, 조직소견 등을 관찰하고 시술의 안정성을 조사 하였다. 전체 508명의 환자 중 210명에서 대장 용종이 발견되었고(41.3%), 나이별 분포는 50대와 60대에서 가장 많았으며 나이가 증가 할수록 의미있게 용종의 빈도가 증가하였으며, 남녀의 차이는 없었다. 용종의 육안적 소견상 Yamada type II가 가장 많았으며 1 cm 이하 크기가 395개였고 1 cm 이상인 것이 13개였다. 위치는 상행결장, 직장, S자형 결장 순으로 많았다. 1 cm 이하인 용종의 위치도 상행 결장, 직장, S자형 결장 순으로 많았다. 용종의 제거는 EMR을 가장 많이 이용하였고, cold polypectomy나 생검겸자를 이용한 제거, 고주파 올가미법으로 하였고 여러가지 이유로 제거가 불가능한 것은 생검겸자로 생검만 하였다. 용종제거후 출혈이나 천공 등의 합병증은 전례에서 없었고 합병증을 예방하기 위해 19예에서 clipping을 시행하였다. 전체 408개의 용종 중 5개의 용종에서 암성 조직이 발견되었다. 간 만곡부와 상행결장에 1.5cm, 2.0cm 크기의 유경성 용종이었고 조직 검사상 tubulovillous adenoma에 국소 암성 조직을 포함하고 있었으며 1 cm 이하의 용종은 상행결장, 직장, 간 만곡부에 0.4 cm, 0.5 cm, 0.6 cm 크기의 용종에서 암 조직이 발견 되었는데 모두 주위에 선종 조직이 없는 암성 용종이었다. 결론적으로 우리나라 사람에서 용종은 결코 드문 질환이 아니며 작은 용종에서도 암 조직을 관찰할 수 있기 때문에 대장 내시경 검사시 용종이 발견되면 반드시 모두 제거하여 검사하는 것이 좋으며 용종 절제술 후에 합병증을 예방하는 내시경적 시술을 병행하면 합병중음 충분히 예방할 수 있다고 생각하며 우리나라 사람에서 대장암의 발생이 모두 adenoma-carcmoma scquence에 의해서 발행하는 것인지에 대해서는 앞으로 더 많은 연구가 필요할 것으로 생각된다.

  • PDF

광복 후부터 1950년대까지 한국에서 활동한 외국인이 본 한국미술 (Korean Art from the view of foreigners in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s)

  • 조은정
    • 미술이론과 현장
    • /
    • 제4호
    • /
    • pp.123-144
    • /
    • 2006
  • Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.

  • PDF

현대 한국미술과 민족주의란 두 개의 얼굴 (Dual Faces of Nationalism reflected in Contemporary Korean Art and Society)

  • 최태만
    • 미술이론과 현장
    • /
    • 제4호
    • /
    • pp.145-180
    • /
    • 2006
  • In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

  • PDF

미국의 기록(records) 및 아카이브즈(archives)의 역사적 기원과 관리·보존의 역사 17세기 초부터 20세기 중반까지를 중심으로 (The Origin of Records and Archives in the United States and the Formation of Archival System: Focusing on the Period from the Early 17th Century to the Mid 20th)

  • 이선옥
    • 기록학연구
    • /
    • 제80호
    • /
    • pp.43-88
    • /
    • 2024
  • 미국의 국립문서보존소(현 국립문서기록관리청)는 서구의 전통적인 기록물보존소들 중에서도 후발주자로 조용히 등장했다. 미국의 공공기록물관리역사는 유럽에 비해 길지 않다. 그럼에도 미국은 20세기 격동의 세기를 지나며 생산되고 수집된 방대한 양의 현대기록물을 체계적으로 관리·보존하는 일에 집중하며 미국 역사적 상황에 최적화된 현대적인 기록물 관리체계를 확립해 왔다. 또한 미국은 국제적인 공공기록물 관리 발전을 견인하는 강력한 위상을 견지하고 있다. 미국의 공공기록물 관리체계의 중심에는 기록이 미국민의 공공재산이라는 공공소유권 개념이 확고하게 자리한다. 이는 기록을 통해 식민지 자치 시민으로서 그들의 권리를 보호받던 영국 식민지 시대로까지 거슬러 올라간다. 미국민에게 기록과 아카이브즈는 미국의 짧은 역사에서 '미국인'로서의 정체성은 물론 개인의 자유와 권리 더 나아가 민주주의를 지키기 위한 수단이자 국가의 상징 그 자체였다. 따라서 미국민의 삶과 역사는 기록되어야 하고 기록된 과거는 미국의 현재와 미래를 위해 관리·보존되는 것은 당연하고 자연스러운 것이었다. 미국의 공공기록물 관리체계는 미국의 역사와 함께 형성된 기록에 대한 그들의 철학과 가치관 그리고 미국 고유의 기록물관리 경험을 통해 정립된 이론과 실무, 교훈, 아이디어 등이 융합된 결과물이다. 본 논문에서는 미국의 기록(records)과 아카이브즈(archives)의 기원을 역사적 맥락에서 추적하여 미국민의 삶과 기록 간의 유기적 관계를 파악해 본다. 또한 미국 고유의 역사성이 반영된 두 형태의 기록물관리 전통(공공 기록·아카이브즈 관리 전통과 역사 메뉴스크립트 관리전통)을 살펴본다. 이에 더 나아가 미국의 역사적 현실에 부합하여 가장 미국적이면서도 세계적으로 보편적인 현대 공공기록물 관리체계가 형성되는 과정을 살펴보고자 한다. 역사적·개념적 연구 방법을 통해 미국 공공기록물 관리체계를 더욱 심층적이고 본질적으로 이해하고자 한다.

현대 한국의 안티 종교운동 (Anti-religious Movements in Contemporary Korea)

  • 강돈구
    • 대순사상논총
    • /
    • 제29집
    • /
    • pp.241-278
    • /
    • 2017
  • 이 논문은 한국 종교에 대한 비판적인 견해의 대대적인 표출 현상(안티 종교운동)을 정리하고 유형화한 뒤 그 의미를 분석한 글이다. 이를 위해 먼저 현대의 범세계적인 종교변동부터 살폈다. 세계종교는 지구촌 의식 출현에 영향을 받아왔다. 그 결과 그들은 과거와의 연속성을 유지한 채 여러 종교의 공통 기반 위에서 보편성을 획득하려하고 있다. 그러한 모습은 스스로의 정체성을 계속 유지하려들거나, 전통을 재창조하려하거나 혹은 현대에 맞게 변용시키거나, 혁신적으로 변화를 추구하거나, 민족주의와 결탁하거나 하는 여러 유형으로 중첩되어 나타나곤 한다. 세계종교에서 살필 수 있는 이러한 변동들이 한국 사회에서는 어떻게 관찰되는가? 대체로 현 시대의 한국 종교상황은 개신교에 대한 비판이나 혁신 요구, 소수종교에 대한 공격, 학계와 언론의 종교 개혁요구, 종교무용론 전파, 유튜브 등 인터넷과 멀티미디어를 활용한 종교 비판 등으로 나타나고 있는 것으로 보인다. 이러한 종교 비판은 안티 종교운동으로 읽혀진다. 종교 외적으로는 서구 학자들이 제기하고 있는 종교무용론이나 과학 또는 역사적 관점에서의 종교 비판 이론이 서점을 중심으로 전파되고 있으며, 종교 내적으로는 개신교를 중심으로 자신의 내부를 반성하고 새로운 초종교적 영성을 강조하는 방향으로 흐르고 있다는 것이 그 내용이다. 과거에도 물론 종교 일반과 특정 종교에 대한 비판은 제기되었다. 그러나 최근에 우리나라에서 진행되고 있는 안티 종교운동은 그 내용과 맥락에서 과거와는 다른 양상으로 전개되고 있다. 특히 개신교에 대한 적극적이고 전반적인 비판 운동은 분명 새로운 현상임에 틀림없다. 적어도 개신교가 주요 대상이기는 하지만 현재 우리나라에서 진행되고 있는 안티 종교운동은 앞으로 우리나라의 종교변동을 살필 수 있는 주요 자료가 될 수 있을 것이다.