• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.55 no.2 s.92
• /
• pp.70-81
• /
• 2005

This paper researches the system of official uniforms and characteristics of the system based on Ming-Shi(明史), Da-Ming-Hui-Dian(大明會典) and Hong-Wu-Li-Zhi(洪武禮制) in the emperor Hong-wu(洪武帝) of Ming dynasty(明). The system could be divided in to three terms, i.e., the early (initial), the middle and the end (last) terms. In the first(1368) & the third year of the emperor's reign (1370) the system of official uniforms was simple f9r his people not to be luxurious and for revived the system of official uniforms of the Han dynasty(漢) and annulled the system of the Yuan dynasty(元), be-cause the country was not stable yet. During the middle term of Hong-wu, the 14th (1381) to 16th (1383) year of his reign, people attained luxurious lives and developed a strong sense of rank as the country became more stable. As a result, the system became more complicated when the emperor used the costumes to represent political and social ranking. In the end of the emperor's age, the 23rd (1390) to 26th (1393), it reveals his strong intention to establish a system of costumes that separated the ruler from the ruled. He wanted to strengthen the power of Emperor for his little grandson, Jian-wen(建文帝), who would succeed to the throne and would have absolute power. These changes became fundamental to the Ming dynasty's costume system and the Ming dynasty kept them for long time.

• 중국학논총
• /
• no.27
• /
• pp.147-166
• /
• 2009

New year pictures prevailed from 1660s to 1860. Especially, the reign period of Emperor Qianlong(r. 1736-1795) was the period of prosperity. The period of 1660s when new year pictures were started to be popular was the reign period of Emperor Kangxi(r. 1662-1722) was just started and corresponded to Emperor Kangxi's promulgation of "Sacred Edict." Chinese operas such as Peking opera were very popular among common people in the period from 1660s to 1860 when new year pictures prevailed. Qing emperors as foreign ruler chose the way of ruling their people by means of cultural influence in stead of military power. However their culture effort was not efficient toward the majority of illiterate people. New year pictures offered every information about the world through visual icons to the illiterate people at that time who perceived the world by means of seeing. They met the world through visual information offered by new year pictures. New year pictures were the stronger visual medium to spread and educate "Sacred Edict" to illiterate subjects than any other guide books published by elite officers.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.133-172
• /
• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.299-331
• /
• 2020

In Daesoon Jinrihoe, the Supreme God descended into the mortal world by incarnating as Kang Jeungsan to save the world from imminent disaster. Daesoon Jinrihoe is regarded by some Chinese scholars as a new Korean Daoism, and Jo Jeong-san, the Lord of the Dao in Daesoon Jinrihoe, revealed the Supreme God's name to "Gucheon Eungwon Noeseong Bohwa Cheonjon Kangseong Sangje." Comparative studies are often conducted to highlight the similarities between this god and the nearly identically named god in Chinese Daoism. However, this Chinese god is only a god of natural phenomena and has no previous connections to descension into the world via human incarnation. My research has determined that the closest basis for comparison would be Emperor Huizong within the context of Northern Song Dynasty Daoism. In the Daoism of that time period, he was understood to be the Supreme God who incarnated as a human to save the world. Borrowing Eliade's Phenomenology of Religion, this paper has discovered that core archetypes of these two godheads are different due to their different soteriological missions. In order to solve the grievances among humans, divine beings, heaven, and the afterworld, Kang Jeungsan actualized the Earthly Paradise of Later World. Drawing on the archetypal notion of an Original Time, he reshaped the world into the beginning of chaos to completely eliminate the past, and to create a fundamentally and qualitatively new era. On the other hand, Emperor Huizong tried to absorb what he viewed as heretical Buddhism into something sacred that could be used to save people from its harm. He established a hierarchy radiating from the archetypal notion of the Center of the Universe, and he cosmosized Buddhism, which he viewed as barbaric, into that order. Their core godheads mainly show differences in terms of time and space. Additionally, their extended sub-godhead symbols are quite different. Emperor Huizong, like the common supreme gods of other religions, established law of order, and then retreated as the symbol of heaven, the abdicated god. His divine power was specialized as Lin Lingsu's symbol of natural phenomena. Kang Jeungsan was completely different. He always proved his power over the three realms through different symbols. The main symbols he used were the moon for healing and resurrection, water for establishing order from chaos, and light for enabling secular individuals to experience sacred profundity.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.47
• /
• pp.77-100
• /
• 2017

Memoirs of Hadrian is a representative historical novel of Yourcenar which focuses on the personal history of the Emperor Hadrian of Rome and on his inner side. This study focuses on the love story of Hadrian and Antinous, and examines the specificity of their love in relation to the homosexual culture of ancient Greece, especially pedophilia. Through this topic, we have analyzed the causes of the tragic death of Antinous by capturing the progression of a cycle of pedophilia, a young boy (Eromenos), that grows into manhood as Erastes. This study defines the emperor's efforts to restore Antinous in his own way after a failed love, as a passion toward totality. Therefore, we see the two figures as a process of mythology in which the pie of tragic destiny is transferred to the myth of androgyny that becomes one body and one unity in pedophilia. We see this ancient myth as a concept contrasting with the sense of pedophilia of the emperor, who arbitrarily distinguished between love and pleasure, and believed that the affection calculated with calmness and indifference was a harmony of love. This study explains the intention of Yourcenar in her work to present the value of empathic love, especially sacredness and sublime, which should be a part of sensual love. It also reminds us of the importance of sagacity that a person with power must hold in the happiest and most loving moments of life.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
• /
• v.48 no.1
• /
• pp.97-116
• /
• 2014

When the Yongle Emperor of the Ming Dynasty seized the power as the emperor of China, he issued a royal order to Hokwang and others, to publish a book entitled "Sambudaejeon," in the name of following the death-bed instruction of Taizu. The book was completed no less then 10 months after the order was issued in September 1415(Yongle 13). With the first copy imported from the Ming Dynasty as the original script, Sambudaejeon was engraved on wood by going sharing with 3 provinces including Gyeongsang-do, Jeonlla-do, and Gangwon-do, during the period of 1427~1428(Sejong 9~10). The result of surveying and analysing the distribution of the Ming Dynasty was imported to Chosun, shows that the engraving copy of the original script from the Ming was published more then 18 times in Chosun, among which only 50 types are identified to exist currently. As a result of analyzing these 50 existing types, This status of publication suggests that the books were intensively published and distributed in Gyeonggi and Gyeongsang provinces where the demands for the books were urgent, to meet the needs when the books were rapidly lost during the period of Japanese invasion.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.20 no.4
• /
• pp.151-169
• /
• 2007

The "Tai Su(太素)" which was published by Yang Shang Shan(楊上善) during the Tang(唐) dynasty does not follow complicating hand down procedures allowing it to be preserved in a relatively satisfactory state, and the book is evaluated as a major article in the study of the "Yellow Emperor's Internal Classic(黃帝內經)" in the modern age. The book of "Tai Su explanation of channel diseases(太素 經脈病解)" offers the detailed description of disease symptoms found in the book of "Miraculous Pivot channels(靈樞 經脈)", and Yang Shang Shan(楊上善) provided relatively complete explanations from the perspective of the wane and wax of shadow and sunshine powers(陰陽消長). The present writing was projected to acknowledge the relationship between the books of "Tai Su explanation of channel diseases(太素 經脈病解)" and "Miraculous Pivot channels(靈樞 經脈)" and substantially attempted to understand the original text of the "Tai Su(太素)" by adopting the perspectives of Yang Shang Shan(楊上善) in explaining the disease symptoms as he attempted in the book of "Miraculous Pivot channels(靈樞 經脈)". Total 50 disease symptoms were explained in the book of "Tai Su explanation of channel diseases(太素 經脈病解)", and 33 of them are common to the symptoms described in the book of "Miraculous Pivot channels(靈樞 經脈)" by taking up about 66% of the book. The monthly attachment(月別配屬) of three shadow and three sunshine power(三陰三陽), which is described in the book of "Tai Su explanation of channel diseases(太素 經脈病解)" provides an important clue in understanding the exterior and interior(表裏) relationship, and the crucial perspective lies on the mutual intensity change of shadow and sunshine powers. Therefore, the monthly attachment of three shadow and three sunshine power provided by the present article helps to understand the meaning of the three shadow and three sunshine power along with the time attachment(時間配屬) described in the other chapter of the "Yellow Emperor's Internal Classic(黃帝內經)". In the method of explaining pathogenesis, the explanation was made by understanding the perspective of mutual intensity change of shadow and sunshine powers, and exterior and interior relationship along with the channel Path(經脈流注) have been used simultaneously. In the comment of the main article, Yang Shang Shan(楊上善) stated the channels of hands and feet(手足經脈) as the scope of the three shadow and three sunshine power, but the symptoms and signs are mainly focused on the channels of feet as in the book of "Miraculous Pivot channels(靈樞 經脈)".

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.25_1
• /
• pp.1-22
• /
• 2015

This paper took Jeonkyeong (典經) of Daesunjinrihoe(大巡眞理會) as the basic text and studied how Kangjeungsan(姜甑山), the Sangje (上帝), had embraced Chinese myth in process of formation of his religious thought focusing on Yan Emperor(炎帝) Shennong(神農) myth and Shanrangang(禪讓) myth (namely Danchu myth). First when we examine the myth surrounding Kangjeungsan's birth, it deeply emraced a feeling-birth myth(感生神話), we could realize that this is a universe motif through myth of hero birth in East Asia. Further judging from the analysis of geographic space of Kangjeungsan's activity, it included a variety of mythical and Daoist related place names. I think this is because of the fact that birth place of Kangjeungsan and the surrounding area is the locality of Xian(仙) tradition where major characters of Danhak sect(丹學派) have been turned out, and that Korean way of Xian suppressed by the regulatory system has been widely rooted in the public. Especially it's interesting that Jeungsan, the pen name of Kangjeungsan, ambiguously connotes Siru mountain(甑山), a place of his training, and the spiritual realm of the 『Zhouyicantongqi(周易參同契)』. Then I examined the God of fire Shennong myth which has been actively admitted and embraced by Kangjeungsan. Kangjeungsan put the root of his pedigree on Shennong and there is a close affinity between Shennong and Dongyi(東夷) such as Buyeo(夫餘), Goguryeo(高句麗), etc. These Dongyi spirits are losers against the Chinese major myth and beings of ressentiment. At the same time the predecessor of Jiutianyingyuanleishengpuhuatianzun(九天應元雷聲普化天尊) who shares mythical characteristics with the God of fire Shennong was a formerly Taishi(太師) Wenzhong(聞仲) of Yin(殷) dynasty. He was defeated and died by Zhou(周) dynasty, and was deified. The fact that Kangjeungsan regarded himself as a descendent of Shennong and possessed divinity of Jiutianyingyuanleishengpuhuatianzun connotes that he represents all beings of ressentiment such as family of Yin and Dongyi. However, Kangjeungsan set a religious milestone by turning revenge for such ressentiment at tribe level into religious sublimation. At the end Shanrang myth which has been critically embraced by Kangjeungsan was reviewed. According to the existing Shanrang myth, Danchu(丹朱) was unworthy and not succeeded in the succession to the throne. Then good natured Emperor Shun(舜) succeeded to the throne from Emperor Yao(堯). However, the reality of Shanrang myth was a violent change of sovereign power and Danchu was a victim in the process of such violent change. Kangjeungsan shrewdly grasped the reality of ancient China and cast light on presence of Danchu. And he emphasized the need of religious sublimation of revenge, Haewon(解冤). His such awareness of culture had a close relation with revisionist standpoint of independent Danhak sect expressing a skeptical glance at systematic, commensurate and authentic historical view of Chinese civilization. And further Kangjeungsan cosmologically and causationally reinterpreted revenge of Danchu. He established a universal salvation theology which has a corresponsive connotation in regard to embracement of Shennong myth. In conclusion, embracement of Chinese myth by Kangjeungsan was a creative work of reinterpretation resulting in an inherent religious connotation through a process of appropriation, that is independent and selective introjection.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
• /
• v.8 no.1
• /
• pp.1-17
• /
• 2008

This research analyzes the patterns in modernization of costume that reflects the attitude of accepting the Western culture and the differences in perception, during modernization period (1850-early 1910) in Japan. The Japanese attitude toward the Western costume can be roughly classified into three periods: impetuous acceptance in the early Restoration of Imperial Regime(1867-1883), aggressive acceptance in Rokumeikan period(1883-1887), and the coexistence of traditional and modern costumes after Meiji 20(1887-1910). A Western costume symbolizes wealth and power until Rokumeikan period, however, as it becomes more common, it is considered as an ordinary dress rather than a ceremonial dress. The exact opposite phenomenon occurs to traditional costume. Although Japanese modernization is initially forced by western ideology of power, positive reactions to western culture and changes in perception toward China leads to more active importation of western culture. This reflects the governmental effort such as the Foreigners Employment Policy in the early Meiji period, and the public also became receptive toward change. However, acceptance of the Western culture is only limited to academic and technological areas, while the traditional Japanese ethos(the Emperor system, Shintoism, patriarchism) is obstinately protected. Therefore, it can be inferred that such extreme polarization of modernization and traditional inheritance enabled both perspectives to retain their own characteristics.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.19
• /
• pp.153-192
• /
• 2009

Appearing newly on June 1894, Gaboh regime enforced modern reformation policy. In light of archives' management, it was totally different from before. Government established individual department of record management in every division and proclaimed a legislative bill which was stipulated about record management process. They modified archives' form including peculiar declaration of the name of an era and use together with Korean and Chinese. Also they tried to conserve the original copy of the archives. As King Gojong announced the Great Han Empire(Taehan Cheguk, 大韓帝國) on October 1897, he reinforced Gaboh regimes' weakened royal authority and enforced reformation policy which was designed for himself. First he abolished the administration which restricted royal authority, and established new department called Euijungbu(議政府). To restrain the royal power, he separated the Royal House and government and reinforced Gungnaebu(宮內府). In addition, King Gojong enforced the policy which he can manage directly about troops, policies, and finances. Consequently, He established Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), and made direct belonging of an emperor. Also, department called Naejangwon(內藏院) tried to levy many kinds of taxes directly to build up the financial foundation under the emperor. The record management system of Great Han Empire succeeded to that of Gaboh regimes Times'. First, government and powerful organization directly under the emperor set up the department of record management. Euijungbu (議政府) and governmental department, of course, Gungnaebu(宮內府), Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), Tongshinwon(通信院), Jikyeahmun(地契衙門) which support the right of an emperor established document division and record division individually. To carry out government's service effectively and systematically, it was considered effective to divide record management department. Moreover, despite the difference between the divisions, they were separated into current record division and non current record division. Generally, document department took charge of acceptance, sending and crafting of current document and archives department was eligible for preservation and compilation of major document and eternal conservation document. This seems to consider life cycle of the record and keep the evaluation of record in mind. Finally, perception for the record management has revealed to modern configuration.