• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.11-21
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• 2014

South Korea should not be in subordinate position in international relationships like the past. As the status of middle power. South Korea achieves peaceful unification through overcoming North Korea's nuclear and conventional threats, and builds military power in Northeast Asia as a 'balancer'. This can firstly be achieved by constructing "attack systems triad". 'attack systems triad' can be established through integrating the C41SR as a common strategy for the purposes of preemptive deterrence and retaliatory deterrence against the dangers of the present and the future. Second, denial deterrence can be achieved by establishing "defense system triad" by combining common military power and defensive weapon system. Finally, development of independent advanced technological strategies can be achieved by building defense industry and combination of research and development through constructing "Infra triad". As for constructing and reinforcing the future of the ROK military, a unilateral principle and policy efforts to achieve the aforementioned force construction models are needed. This can only be achieved through the government's national vision to take on the role of mediator and a basis founded upon the consensus of the public.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.128-148
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• 2014

In south Korea, the so-called 'conservative-liberal' rivalry over the assessment of the government's North Korean policies is seen to be impeding the road to right policy choices. For example, the liberals accused former President Lee Myung-bak's hardline policy of provoking Pyongyang and leading to a deterioration of inter-Korean relations, while the conservatives appreciated it for helping nurture mutually beneficial inter-Korean relations in the longer term by compelling North Korea to observe international norms. However, such debate over the vices and virtues of Seoul's North Korea policies is hardly meaningful as the measuring sticks used by the liberals and the conservatives are entirely different matters. The two major goals South Korea must pursue with its North Korean policies should be 'peaceful management of division' and 'change in North Korea'. The former is related to maintaining stability within South Korea and promoting co-prosperity with North Korea. For this, the nation needs to engage, encompass and assist the Pyongyang regime. The second goal is also necessary since South Korea, as a divided nation, must seek a unified Korea under the system of democracy and market economies by bringing change in North Korea. For this, South Korea needs powerful leverages with which it can persuade and coerce the North. This means that the nation is destined to simultaneously chase the above-mentioned two goals, while also both recognizing and negating the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. This situation necessitates Seoul to apply flexibility in reconciling with Pyongyang while applying firm principles to sever the vicious circle involving the North's military provocations. The May 25 Measures, which banned trade and economic cooperation with the North except those related to humanitarian assistance, were taken as sanctions against Pyongyang for sinking the South Korean corvette Chonan in March 2010. The Measures were taken by the Seoul government immediately after a multinational investigation team discovered evidence confirming that the South Korean naval ship had been torpedoed by a midget North Korean submarine. Naturally, the May 24 Measures have since then become a major stumbling block in inter-Korean exchange, prompting opposition politicians and concerned entrepreneurs to demand Seoul to unilaterally lift the Measures. Given the significant damages the Measures have inflicted on inter-Korean economic relations, removing them remains as homework for both Koreas. However, the Measures pertains to the 'principles on national security' the Seoul government must adhere to under all circumstances. This is why North Korea's apology and promises not to repeat similar provocations must come first. For now, South Korea has no alternative but to let North Korea solve the problems it has created. South Korea's role is to help the North do so.

• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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• v.11 no.12
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• pp.97-105
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• 2021

Countries such as the United States, Russia, and Europe are developing and operating UAVs for various purposes, including stealth UAVs. North Korea is also operating unmanned aerial vehicles, and it is presumed that it is continuously flying south of the demarcation line to obtain information on the national security zone, but it is difficult to detect and neutralize it effectively. Therefore, this paper analyzed the military UAV development trends and military radar specifications in Western countries such as the United States and communist countries such as Russia, China, and North Korea through literature research. In addition, based on the investigation of the AESA radar-based UAV response system in the country, not only general responses but also countermeasures such as direct strike and electromagnetic pulses to North Korean UAVs that cannot be jammed were suggested.

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.97-106
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• 2015

Currently, South Korea is exposed to various attacks of North Korea such as traditional, nuclear, and ABC weapons. Now it is hard to make an accurate estimate the damage may have been occurred to citizens due to those attacks. It is only possible to assume the rough outline. As a countermeasure to such military threats of North Korea, government-aided evacuation facilities services are going along across the board concerning the object, installation range, budget, and drawing standards. Whereas, in case of public evacuation facilities, there is no special regulation or principle in designation. Since various facilities are regarded as applicable, any protection against military threats can't be anticipated. In this study, military threats provoked by North Korea are figured out, thus the problem of plan and design that public evacuation facilities have are pointed out. This study suggest the result and proposal.

• Journal of the military operations research society of Korea
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.79-93
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• 1989

This research paper is aimed at developing an optimal strategy for finding espionage ship sent from North Korea. The optimal strategy developed here handles detection rate and probability that the espionage ship is in a certain specific sea area. A detection model is developed and an application problem is illustrated.

• Journal of the military operations research society of Korea
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.87-97
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• 1979

북한경제는 계획경제가 갖는 기본적 제난점을 바탕에 두고 이에 지나친 외자의존적발전, 자연자족중공업위주의 발전이라는 성장전략을 수행해 왔다. 이러한 성장전략의 모순의 노정으로 북한경제는 앞으로 상황의 급변이 없는 한 침체국면에 빠져들 것이다.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.87-130
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• 2019

This paper aims to analyze the recent progress(current situation) and tasks of arms control in North and South Korea. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; recent progress(current situation) of arms control in South and North Korea; constraints and tasks of arms control on the Korean peninsula; and conclusion. One of the most important tasks for the establishment of a peace structure for the coexistence of the Korean people in the 21st century is the realization of military control in order to resolve the acute military confrontation situation and mutual threats. With the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, the North-South summit and the subsequent talks for peace and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula, the North Korea-US summit, and subsequent talks are creating conditions for trust building and arms control between the two Koreas. The military trust between the two Koreas and operational arms control are being achieved through the declaration of the April 27 Panmunjom and the 'Military Agreement for the Implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration.' However, since there are constraints on the control of arms control, such as the persistence of hostility and distrust of the two Koreas, the defense treaty between the two Koreas and neighboring countries, the competition of neighboring countries and the complex interests of the Korean peninsula, Trust Building is important. We should resolve the issue of arms control between the two Koreas, taking into account the trend of international arms control over the internal and external dynamics of the Korean peninsula gradually and carefully, with a vision of long-term unification security.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.243-265
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• 2010

North Korea sharing a border with China has developed economic relations with China for a long time. During the cold war(from 1950s to late 1980s), political, military and economic ties between the two countries have become stronger because they had maintained the same political and economic system. However their economic relations have significantly changed after China has adopted market economies since the late 1970s. In particular, trade volume has been shrinked significantly since the late 1990s when China began to ask hard currency payments in their commercial transactions. This paper aims to investigate the conditions and prospects of trade and logistics relations between North Korea and China including the problems existed and then make some suggestions to foster their trade relations. In conclusion in order to develop its trade relations with China, it is suggested that North Korea should make significant changes in its economic and logistics system including infrastructure, institutional schemes, social and trade practices ect. because most problems in bilateral trade have been incurred from North Korea.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.1102-1112
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• 2012

The policy of the United States is a Korean Peninsula free of all nuclear weapons. The United States government was considering the possibility of military action to eliminate the North Korean nuclear threat. Talk of military action peaked from mid-1993 through mid-1994. Such an attack might have led directly to a Korean war. At that time the nuclear crisis solutioned by North Korea-United States negotiation and ROK-United States alliance. PSI's purpose is to prevent or at least inhibit the spread of weapons of mass destruction, their delivery systems, and related materials to and from states and non-state actors whose possession would be a serious threat to global or regional security. The most controversial activity of PSI is interdiction. North Korea has expressed grave concern over the initiative, stating that it has a sovereign right to develop, deploy, and export weapons, and that it would view any interdiction of its ships as a declaration of war. If South Korea is to execute interdiction North Korean ships expect tensions to increase dramatically on the peninsula with North Korea doing something quite provacative in response. South Korea cannot help approaching PSI with great caution, since it has to consider the ROK-United States alliance, and inter-Korean relations.