• Journal of architectural history
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.61-72
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• 2023

Korean architecture classifies Banja (the decorated flat of the ceiling visible from the inside) of Royal Palaces into two types: Woomul(water-well, 井) banja, which inserts rectangular wooden board into lattice frame, and paper banja, which applies paper to the flat ceiling. Such classification was established in the 19th century. Before that, Banja was classified according to what was inserted into the lattice frame, either wooden or paper board. At first, the banja that used paper board was widely installed regardless of the purpose or nobility of the building. However, since the 17th century, the use of paper board banja became mostly restricted to Ondol (Korean floor heating system) rooms which are characterized by private usage and the importance of heating, and it was considered inferior to wooden board banja in terms of rank or grace. The contemporary paper banja was mainly installed in low-rank ondol rooms until the late 19th century to early 20th century, when roll-type wallpaper was introduced from the West and the paper banja came to decorate the King's and Queen's bedrooms. The traditional paper board banja benefits heat reservation, reduces the weight of the ceiling, and allows the adjustment of the lattice frame size. Furthermore, it can feature unique artistry if covered with blue, white, or red Neung-hwa-ji (traditional flower pattered paper).

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.30
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• pp.127-144
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• 2023

"Buliseonrando," meaning "Buddhist virtues and the orchid are one and the same," was painted by Chusa Kim Jeong-hee. Four appreciation sentences are written in various fonts around the orchid drawn in the center of the painting, along with a total of 15 seals stamped. Hyperspectral image analysis(HSI), microscopy, and X-ray fluorescence (XRF) were conducted with a focus on the seals and the parts of the painting that have been applied with a conservation treatment. As a result of the analyses, the seals were classified into two types-seals with or without barium content. Stamp shade was identified only in five of themstamps, which allows the assumption that the composition and material characteristics of the stamp inks varied depending on the period. In particular, hyperspectral image analysis confirms traces of conservation treatment on the seals and the lost parts identified in addition to the 15 seals, which also demonstrates the utility of hyperspectral image analysis.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.35-57
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• 2014

This study examines how biopolitics, constructed in the West, has been accepted in the Korean peninsula, by focusing on the discourses of "sanitation" and "OTC (Over-the-Counter) medicine" perpetuated in the late Joseon Dynasty and the colonial period. There are two meanings of sanitation in Korea before and after the opening of her ports. The pre-modern sanitation attends to the strong vitality of one's body and mind, while the modern sanitation emphasizes a healthy environment. What is observed between the two meanings of sanitation is a transition of viewpoints from the first-person to the third-person. This transformation has constructed passive bodies that allow the intervention of biopolitics. OTC medicine has reinforced this viewpoint of a third-person and combined it with commodification. The discourses of sanitation and OTC medicine continue, for example, in the strong discourse of regular medical examinations in contemporary Korean society.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.235-251
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• 2011

The aim of this article is to outline the history and importance of the Korean rare books in Coll$\grave{e}$ge de France. With this purpose in mind, the historical background and the process of how these books came to Coll$\grave{e}$ge de France were studied through cataloguing the list, and then analyzing them by subject, printing type, and timeline. We examined the relationship between the private collections of Maurice Courant(1865-1935) and the Korean rare books held in Coll$\grave{e}$ge de France. The Bibliographie Cor$\acute{e}$enne written by Maurice Courant is the most important reference book for studying the publication of the late Joseon dynasty and finding the whereabouts of the Korean books in France. Also, we tried to figure out the best way to implement and make use of a bibliographic database, and contribute to the exploration and study of Korean Cultural Heritage scattered outside Korea.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.7
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• pp.99-106
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine adaptation types of urban tissue in Ipjeong-dong area, Seoul. Ipjeong-dong area has urban tissue those were made during Joseon dynasty and this is remaining even in the present time. This area was originally urban hanok residential districts till late 1950s. However, it has changed into machinery manufacture business area after demolition of Cheonggyechon shantytown. After several workshops and stores moved in this area, manufacturer and merchants required for more spaces due to lack of room for machinery. To place more workshops in the block, lot alteration were happened and accessibility to workshops inside the block were required. Adaptive road network which is main form of adaptative urban tissue were made to adapt in this kind of poor urban condition. To research about adaptive urban tissue making, distribution were explored and comparison tasks between various cadastral map of 1940, 1964, 1970s and 2017 were conducted. From these tasks, certain types of adaptive urban tissues and characteristics of these elements were found. First of all, forms of adaptive road depend on the surrounded environment. Connecting internal building corridor with original road system is categorized as Type A. Altering a portion of the buildings to make adaptive roads is categorized as Type B. Second, there were two types of formation of adaptive road. Type 1 is for adaptive road which is independent gesture from original road network. Type 2 is for adaptive road which is altering the form of original road network by lengthening or connecting two different dead-end roads.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.7-22
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• 2014

It is identified that an initial person who built of 'Seoul Gyedong Modernized Hanok(former Min Hyeong-gi house)' used as 'Bukchon Culture Center' in present, was not Min Hyeong-gi, but his wife, Yu Jin-gyeong, and she built it when 8 years went on after his death(1879~1973), and the construction year was at the gate of Chuseok in 1921. Yu Jin-gyeong was Head Family's Eldest Daughter-in-law in family of Yeo Heung-min who was an influential person at the late Joseon Dynasty and was widow who had only son for 3 generations. And she built this house and moved to gain daughter and live futher grandchilds together in law in new nest. It is arranged that an annex surrounds with main building as the central figure. And this house emulates Yeonkeong-dang in backyard of the Changdeok Palace for 'preservation of main building' and Chim-bang-ga-toe applied on a bedroom in a palace is applied around nobleman family's the main room. It is rare case and expresses that a palace factor is borrowed. Yu Jin-gyeong's house is that a tradition Hanok is adjusted closely in city and central and basing mode as 'protective bedding' and building concept as 'a noble and protective architecture' is realized. So it has a character that development of Hangrang architecture is appeared and Head Family's Eldest Daughter-in-law widow of modern upper class had a special benefit. As well as, a meaning that it is experimental house based on tradition and is build of Hanok with housekeeping as the central figure for appear a form which has minimal Hangrang for housekeeping in yangban family of modern city, can be found.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.154-167
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• 2014

The results of this study conducted to identify the substance, regional characteristics or landscaping of Namwon Yonghogugok, which is the only valley of Jiri Mountain, based on Kim Samun's 'Yonghokugok-Gyeongseungannae(龍湖九曲景勝案內)', 'Yongseongji(龍城誌)' and position, meaning of letters carved and projection technique by ArcGIS10.0 on the rocks are as below. The feature landscapes of the canyon of Yonghogugok, which is an incised meander and one of the Eight beautiful scenery of Namwon, ponds, cliffs and rocks generated with metamorphic rocks and granites weathered by rapids torrents. As a result of measuring the GPS coordinates of the letters carved on the rocks, excluding the 3 Gok Hakseoam and the distances based on the origin and destination of the letters carved on the rocks using the API(Application Programming Interface) function of Daum map, the total distance of Yonghogugok was 3.5km and the average distance between the each Gok was 436.5m. It is assumed that Yonghogugok was designated by Sarim(士林) of the Kiho School(畿湖學派) related to Wondong Hyangyak(元洞鄕約) which is the main agent of Yonghojeongsa(龍湖精舍), the forerunner of Yonghoseowon(龍湖書院), between the late Joseon Dynasty and the early Japanese colonial era, in 1927. Its grounds are the existence of Yonghoyeongdang mentioned on 'Yonghojeongsilgi'(龍湖亭實記), records of 'Haeunyugo(荷隱遺稿)', 'Yonghopumje(龍湖品題)' of Bulshindang(佛神堂), 'Yonghojeongsadonggu Gapjachun(龍湖精舍洞口 甲子春)' letters carved on the rocks and 'Yonghogugok-Shipyeong(龍湖九曲十詠)' posted on Mokgandang of Yonghoseowon. Comprehensively considering the numerous poetry society lists carved on the stone wall of Punghodae(風乎臺), the Sixth Gok Yuseondae, its stone mortar, 'Bangjangjeildongcheon(方丈第一洞天)' of Bulshindang and Gyoryongdam(交龍潭), the Yonghoseokmun(龍湖石門) letters carved on the rocks, Yeogungseok adjacent to the First Gok and Fengshui facilities, centered on Yonghoseowon and Yonghojeong, Yonghogugok can be understood as a unique valley culture formed with the thoughts of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and Fengshui. 'Yonghogugok-Gyeongseungannae' provides very useful information to understand the place name, called by locals and landscaping aspects of Yonghogugok in the late Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the meaning of "Nine dragons" and even though 12 chu(湫: pond) of Yonghogugok Yongchudong including Bulyeongchu, Guryongchu, Isuchu, Goieumchu and Daeyachu are mentioned on Yongseongji, a part of them cannot be confirmed now. Various place names and facilities relevant to Guryong adjacent to Yonghogugok are the core of the place identity. In addition, the accurate location identification and the delivery of the landscaping significance of the 12 ponds is expected to provide landscaping attractiveness of Yonghogugok and become very useful contents for landscaping storytelling and a keyword of storyboard.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.14-30
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• 2020

This study focuses on the fact that pictorial maps in the late Joseon Dynasty were conceptual diagrams with the place names perceived by the people at the time of their production. In this regard, targeting on five pictorial maps, the humanistic landscape characteristics of Pyongyang, which had cultural identities such as a historically old, commercial, and Pungnyu(appreciation for the arts) city, were derived as follows. First, the historic legitimacy of Pyongyang Castle was represented by ritual and religious facilities. They include 'Dangunjeon' and 'Gijagung' related to the nation founder, 'Munmujeong': the remains of Goguryeo, 'Sajikdan' & 'Pyongyanggangdan': the place of the national rites, Hyanggyo and Seowon: education & rite functions, Buddhism and Taoist facilities, 'Yongsindang', 'Sanshindang', and 'Jesindan': folk religion facilities. Gija-related facilities, which became symbols of Pyongyang due to the importance of Small-Sinocentrism and Gija dignity tendency, were distributed throughout Pyongyang Castle though, the facilities related to King Dongmyeong of Goguryeo and the spaces of religion praying for blessings are spread in Bukseong and on the riverside of Daedonggang each. Second, as a Pyongando Province's economic center, Pyongyang's commercial landscape was represented by logistics and transportation facilities. The Daedonggang River, which was in charge of transportation functions, had many decks such as 'Yangmyeongpo', 'Cheongryongpo' and 'Waeseongjin' and bridges, such as 'Yeongjegyo' and 'Gangdonggyo', which connected major transportation routes. The road network was created in Oeseong area to facilitate logistics transportation and management, and many warehouses named after the jurisdiction of Pyongyangbu were distributed near the roads and Provincial Offices of the main gates. In addition, it was characterized by the urban area systematically divided with hierarchical roads, 'Bukjangnim' of willow trees planted on the main entrance roads of Pyongyang Castle, a linear landscape created by 'Simnijangnim' consisting of mixed forests with elm trees. Third, Pungnyu City is realized by the distribution of amusement facilities. The riverside of Daedonggang adjacent to Naeseong exhibits characteristics of artificial landscape such as a canal leading to the inside of the castle, a docking facility with embankments, and a port with cargo ships anchored. However, Bukseong of the natural surroundings had numerous pavilions and platforms such as 'Bubyeongnu', 'Eulmildae', 'Choeseungdae', 'Jebyeokjeong' and engraved letters such as 'Cheongnyubyeok', 'Jangbangho'. 'Osunjeong', 'Byeogwolji', 'Banwolji' near 'Sachang', and 'Aeryeondang', built on the island of a square pond, created waterscape in Naeseong invisible from the Daedonggang, and for practical purposes, ponds and repeated willow vegetation landscape related to Gija were placed in the western rampart of Jungseong. In addition, 'Seonyeondong', a cemetery of Gisaeng, located near by Chilseongmun, was used as poem titles and themes by literary people, contributing to the creation of the Pungnyu image of Pyongyang.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.1-14
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• 2021

Ssangsanjae was created in the mid-1800s, It is located at Jiri Mountain to the north and the Seomjin River to the south. This garden has not changed much even though it has passed through the sixth generation since its creation, so it still retains the features of a private garden in the late Joseon Dynasty. This study focused on the changing landscape of Ssangsanjae as a historical garden; through field surveys, interviews and analysis of builder's collection, boards and couplets. Ssangsanjae is largely classified into inner and outer gardens, and the inner is divided into an entry space, a residential space, and a backyard. The backyard consists of Seodangchae, it's garden, Gyeongamdang, and swimming pool, and is connected to the Sado Reservoir area, which is the outer garden. The distinct vegetation landscape of Ssangsanjae are a 13,000m² bamboo and green tea field, Peony(Paeonia suffruticosa Andr. and Paeonia lactiflora var. trichocarpa(Bunge) Stern) planted on both sides of the road that crosses the lawn, the view through a frame(額景) shown by the twisted branches of Camellia and Evergreen spindletree, and a fence made of Trifolia Orange(Poncirus trifoliata) and Bamboo. Ssangsanjae stands out for its spatial composition and arrangement in consideration of the topography and native vegetation. The main building was named by the descendants based on the predecessor's Aho(pseudonym), and it is the philosophical view of the predecessors who tried to cultivate the younger students without going up on the road. The standing stone and white boundary stone built by Mr. Oh Ju Seok are Ssangsanjae's unique gardening facilities. The stone chairs, and swimming pool which were created by the current owner for the convenience of families and visitors also make a distinctive landscape. Ssangsanjae, for residents, was a place for living, exchanging friendships, training himself and seculusion, for children was a place for learning, but now is 'the private garden' where many people can heal themselves. Over the 200 years, the landscape of Ssangsanjae's inner and outer gardens experienced large and small changes. As such, it is necessary to recognize the historical gardens with changing properties as a living heritage. This study is significant in that, as the first study to approach Ssangsanjae in the view of landscape research, it provides basic data on Ssangsanjae as a destination of garden tourism.