• Title/Summary/Keyword: the late Silla Dynasty

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A Reinterpretation of Sacheon Seonjin-ri Stone Monument's Chinese Characters of Empress Wu(則天文字) - On the Issue of the Introduction and Acceptance of Chinese Characters of Empress Wu to the Korean Peninsula - (사천 선진리비석 측천문자의 명문 재해석 - 측천문자의 한반도 전래 및 수용 문제에 대해 -)

  • Shin, Dong-Sung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.3
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    • pp.57-66
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    • 2022
  • Since the discovery of the inscriptions engraved with the "Chinese characters of Empress Wu(則天文字)" at 251 and 256-1, Seonjin-ri, Sacheon-si, Gyeongsangnam-do in 2003, researchers from the Gyeongnam Institute of Cultural Properties, Kwak Seung-Hoon, and Kim Chang-Gyeom have attempted to read and interpret the inscriptions. However, there are still different theories as to the origin of the "Chinese characters of Empress Wu" appearing in the inscriptions and the use of Idu(吏讀)-type notation. This study aims to clarify, this inscription was erected by the king of Silla in the late 7th and mid-8th centuries to commemorate his participation in the Sacheon and Jinju patrols and Buddhist activities, and it is revealed that the main character of the inscription is likely to be King Seongdeok who has visited southern countries. In addition, in the case of "上了言", which has been interpreted as a human name, it should be understood as an Idu-type notation or a 變體漢文 because of the use of the proposition 了, and it should be interpreted as a character that means the end of a specific act. Although it is not a religious text like 『Mugujeonggwangdaedaranigyeong (The Great Dharani Sutra)』, the reason why the "Chinese characters of Empress Wu(則天文字)" was used is that in the process of accepting the Huayan school, the royal family of Silla came into contact with the Buddhist scriptures of the period of the Empress Wu, which is closely related to the rise of the Huayan school in the Middle Ages, and it appears to have learned and used in this process.

A Study on Luxury Prohibition of Korean Personal Ornaments (한국장신구의 사치 금제 고찰)

  • 추원교
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.43-62
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    • 1989
  • The luxury is the expression of human being's ornament instinct. In this study, in order to grasp the moulding system of the Korean's personal ornaments, the process of luxury prohibition was reviewed to search for to which direction the ornaments developed in the frame of the prohibited style connected closely to the character of the personal ornaments. The proiod was fixed from the old society to the late Chosun dynasty era. The beginning of the luxury in Korea seems to be the start of the luxury burial at the time of funeral in the age of Koguryo., In the era of Koguryo, 10th year of King Dongmyung (B. C. 28), in the era of Baekje, 27th year of King Koi(260), the prohibition of dress regulation and the style of dress were conducted. The prohibition of personal ornaments in Silla was started from King Bup:Heung, and in the 9th year of King Heung-Duk, the prohibition was conducted in order to correct the luxury of the nobles and set up the social discipline. In the 11 th of King Il-Sung-Ni-Sa-Kum, the use of gold, silver and jade was prohibited in the civilian circles. The prohibition of Silla was succeeded to Koryo era, and in the 7th year of King Kwangjong(956), the system of Baekgwan Gongbok(uniform for government officials) was set up, and the system of Sasek Gongbok(four color official uniform) was set up in the 11 th year of the same King, and the prohibition of the personal ornaments such as crown and band is considred to have been conducted. The prohibition of gold and silver was conducted in the first year of King Sungjong(982), and in the 4th year of King Chungryul(l260), the order of wearing the dress and hat in accordance with the Yusan dynasty and the Mongolian customs were widely circulated in the royal court and vivilian circles. The strong influence of Mongolia made the taste of the traditional personal ornaments laste. The personal ornaments were used for the nobles until the age of the Unified Sillar but even the common people could use them in case they were rich, and such a circumstances made the use of foreign goods inflated. The prohibition of Koryo era was aimed at the prohibition of the foreign goods of luxury, and the classification of the social status.In the age of Chosun Dynasty, the production of gold and silver was feeble indeed but the oute reason of the prohibition was to eradicate the luxurious tendency, elevate the custom of eradicate the luxurious tendency, elevate the custom of thrift, and moreover, the gold, silver and jade were no the products of Korea and the prohibition was conducted but the true reason was afor the tribute tt China and the classification of status. The prohibition of Chosun dynasty was conducted first in the June of the 3rd year of King Taejo The major contents of prohibition was no use of gold, silver and jade, coral, agate, amber, etc. of th, wives of the Dang-Sang-Kwan (Court Nobleman) or their sons and daughters, and the same pheno menon was common even at the time of marriage. The people engaged in the secret trade there of wert beheaded. The personal ornaments in the prohibition were the pendent trinket, Binyo (crossbar) ceremonial ornamental hat, ring, earring, ornamental knife, hat string, hat ornament, belt, etc. Thl luxurious marriage expenses out of the luxury was severe, and lose of the marriageable age because 0 non-preparing the marriage goods was the national evil. The prohibition oC luxury was hard to bt kept to the nobles or rich people, the same as old days and present days. The prohibition of th{ luxury and personal ornaments of Korea had nothing to do with the commons, and it was limited tc the nobles and rich people. The prohibition was aimed to cultivating the custom of frugality by eradicating the luxurious atmosphere, but it was chiefly due to the tribute to the China and tht discrimination of the. status. We can say that the recent personal ornament was the flower of handi craft industry bloomed in the prohibition and regulation.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Formative Stages of Establishing Royal Tombs Steles and Kings' Calligraphic Tombstones in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 능비(陵碑)의 건립과 어필비(御筆碑)의 등장)

  • Hwang, Jung Yon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.20-49
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    • 2009
  • This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

A Study on the Location of Zen Buddhist Temples During the Late Silla Dynasty in Korea - from Feng-shui(風水) Perspective - (신라말 구산선문(九山禪門) 사찰의 입지 연구 - 풍수적 측면을 중심으로 -)

  • Cho, Sung-Ho;Sung, Dong-Hwan
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.6 no.3
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    • pp.53-81
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    • 2000
  • The purpose of this study is to examine the chracteristics of the location of Zen Buddhist temples which are the Nine-Mountain Sects of Zen(九山禪門) from feng-shui perspective. A large number of temples have been built for about 1600 years since Buddhism had influenced on Korea. They have been built nationwide in different times by different sects of Buddhism. The pattern of location of Buddhist temples is different according to background of the times (political, economic, cultural aspect) and of tenet(difference in sects of Buddhism) when the temples were built. But the general location of Korean Buddhist temples is in accordance with feng-shui theory. Feng-shui is a traditional geographic thought in China and Korea. It is necessary to understand feng-shui in order to understand Korean landscape and cultural geography. It had given a tremendous impact on Korean landscape through choosing site of cities, settlements, houses, mounments, temples, pagodas, and so on. Before feng-shui was prevailing in Korea, Buddhist temples were mostly built on sacred place which was connected with folk beliefs. In the case of the late Silla Dynasty when Zen Buddhism was prevailing, feng-shui became popular and many. temples were built in accordance with feng-shui. The typical examples are found in the site of Nine-Mountain Sects of Zen temples. The interpretation of geomantic site of Nine-Mountain Sects of Zen temples will show us how feng-shui was applied to and reflected in the Korean peninsula. In Zen Buddhism, feng-shui was applied to the choice of the temple site. Also feng-shui theory was usually used to choose the site of stupa(Budo) where the remains of the founder of sect. In this study, I will interpret the geomantic characteristics of Nine-Mountain Sects of Zen temples. The geomantic interpretations of the temples are as follow. 1. The temples are located at the foot of a hill with surrounding mountains and a watercourse in front. Feng-shui texts often describe it as an ideal site. This geomantic situation is well equipped with natural drainage; protection from cold wind from the north or evil spirits; a good view with open space to the front; protection from unnecessary weather damage; and security and protection from strangers and invaders. 2. The sitting and facing direction of the temples correspond to the oncoming dragon's direction. 3. Many feng-shui texts discuss the types of Sa(surrounding mountains) in detail and morphologically describe them with certain animate and inanimate auspicious objects. In case of Nine-Mountain Sects of Zen temples, the geomantic landscape of these can be compared to auspicious objects. This is morphological marker for the description of configulation features of these temples. 4. Most auspicious places are not perfect, but the shortcomings can be overcome by many means. We can observe modification of landscape for the purpose of fulfilling the geomantic harmony of the temple.

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The Existence and Role of Ji-chong for Medical Exchange in Ancient Korea (지총(知聰)의 실존(實存)과 고대 한국 의학 교류(古代 韓國 醫學 交流)에 대한 역할(役割))

  • Kim, Jae-Hyo;Kim, Seong-Chul;Chung, Heon-Young;Kim, Ryong;Kwon, Oh-Sang;Kim, Kyung-Sik;Sohn, In-Chul
    • The Journal of Korean Medicine
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    • v.28 no.3 s.71
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    • pp.70-85
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    • 2007
  • Objectives : Considering the indigenousness of Korean medicine, the historical record was first introduced in 1946 as follows; a Chinese person, Ji-chong (知聰), brought 164 volumes of medical books to Japan via Goguryeo (高句麗) in A.D. 562. Since this event happened, Korean Oriental Medicine has been derived from Traditional Chinese Medicine because ancient Korean Medicine originated and was developed in China. The purpose of this study was to investigate the existence and role of Ji-chong in the history of medical exchanges between ancient Korea and Japan. Methods : We studied Ji-chong through ancient and modern historical literatures such as Nihon Shoki (日本書紀), the record of $Shinsen-sh{\bar{o}}jiroku$ (新撰姓氏錄), Korean Medical History (韓國醫學史), Japanese Medical History (日本醫學史), Samguk Sagi (三國史記), etc. Results : We found indications of the existence of Ji-chong and the import of Chinese medical literature to the ancient Korean peninsula by examining domestic and foreign historical literature. Especially, he was closely related to historical assumptions about the Japanese conquest of Goguryeo in A.D. 562, although without objective historical evidence and described only in modern Japanese historical records and Korean Medical History. However, substantial medical exchange toward Japan was accomplished by Korean medicine of either Goguryeo, Baekje (百濟), or Silla (新羅) dynasty until the late A.D. 6 century. Conclusions : Based on the above investigation, the idea that Ji-chong carried medical literature via Goguryeo in A.D. 562 needs to be reconsidered and the role of Ji-chong as recorded in a variety of literature and databases should be amended., Korean Oriental Medicine has been derived from Traditional Chinese Medicine because ancient Korean Medicine originated and was developed in China. The purpose of this study was to investigate the existence and role of Ji-chong in the history of medical exchanges between ancient Korea and Japan. Methods : We studied Ji-chong through ancient and modern historical literatures such as Nihon Shoki (日本書紀), the record of Shinsen-$sh{\bar{o}}jiroku$ (新撰姓氏錄), Korean Medical History (韓國醫學史), Japanese Medical History (日本醫學士), Samguk Sagi (三國史記), etc. Results : We found indications of the existence of Ji-chong and the import of Chinese medical literature to the ancient Korean peninsula by examining domestic and foreign historical literature. Especially, he was closely related to historical assumptions about the Japanese conquest of Goguryeo in A.D. 562, although without objective historical evidence and described only in modern Japanese historical records and Korean Medical History. However, substantial medical exchange toward Japan was accomplished by Korean medicine of either Goguryeo, Baekje (百濟), or Silla (新羅) dynasty until the late A.D. 6 century. Conclusions : Based on the above investigation, the idea that Ji-chong carried medical literature via Goguryeo in A.D. 562 needs to be reconsidered and the role of Ji-chong as recorded in a variety of literature and databases should be amended.

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The History of the Josadang and Its Meaning as Seen Through the Murals of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa, Yeoungju (부석사 조사당 신장 벽화를 통해 본 조사당 건립의 배경과 의미)

  • SHIM Yeoung Shin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.64-78
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    • 2023
  • This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.

A Study of the Calligraphy Album Containing Copies of Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light and "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong" Donated by the Estate of Lee Kun-Hee (고 이건희 회장 기증 《무구정광대다라니경·국왕경응조무구정탑원기》 모사첩 연구)

  • Lee Jaeho
    • Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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    • v.1
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    • pp.234-257
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    • 2024
  • Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light (Gwi) (LKH 10703) donated by the family of the late Lee Kun-Hee to the National Museum of Korea in 2021 is a calligraphy album consisting of sixty-two leaves compiled using butterfly binding. It contains Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light, "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong," a postscript by Kim Jeonghui, and an appreciation record by Oh Sechang. This paper has revealed that this album is identical to the material that Suematsu Yasukazu introduced in Volume 15 of the journal Cheonggu hakchong in 1934 and that it includes elaborate copies of Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light and "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong" on yellow Chinese paper, both of which were excavated from inside the Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple in Gyeongju in 1824. It has also reconfirmed that it is highly probable that the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light that Jo Byeongsun, the former director of the Seongam Old Books Museum, unveiled in 1998, is a transcription of the original sutra excavated from Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple in Gyeongju. Moreover, it has concluded that the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light owned by Park Cheolsang is likely to be another example of copying the transcription of the original sutra excavated from the Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple in Gyeongju. In the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee KunHee, six of the Chinese characters promulgated by Empress Wu were used fifteen times in total. Four of the characters of Empress Wu were utilized ten times in the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light (national treasure, Bulguksa Temple collection) found among the reliquaries from the Three-story Stone Pagoda at Bulguksa Temple in Gyeongju and were also seen in the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee Kun-Hee. The use of the same characters of Empress Wu and other variant characters suggests that both the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee Kun-Hee and the Bulguksa sutra were based on an edition distributed in the Unified Silla Period during the eighth century. Kim Jeonghui confirmed the exchange of calligraphy between Korea and China through studies on bronze and stone epigraphs. He believed that the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light and "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong" excavated from Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple were authentic materials showing the elegant calligraphic styles that prevailed before the Ouyang Xun style. Thus, the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee Kun-Hee holds great historical and artistic significance in that it is a rare example of Kim Jeonghui's evidential study of a transcribed sutra and an original record of the production of a pagoda from the Unified Silla period.

The oldest Maehyang-bi (埋香碑) of Memorial Inscriptions existing on record; Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' Stone Monument (현존 최고(最古)의 매향비(埋香碑): 영암 정원명(貞元銘) 석비(石碑))

  • Sung, Yungil
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.1
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    • pp.70-99
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    • 2021
  • Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

Historical Review on the Security Service for the Royal Household in the "Goryeo" Era (고려시대 왕실호위제도의 사적 고찰)

  • Lee, Sung-Jin;Kim, Eui-Young;Lee, Jong-Hwan
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.14
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    • pp.413-429
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    • 2007
  • The Guard over the royal household in the "Goryeo" era was the same as if was over the President or Ruler of a nation today. In those days, a king represented a nation and any threat to the safety of a king could bring the destruction of a nation and the dispersion of the people. by reviewing the change of the 2-Gun 6-Wi system of the era, it can be, summed up as follow, Ther will be suggestions. The Guard might focus on a king's personal safety in the wake of the system of the Silla and Taebong dynasties until the establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty's unique political system. "Goryeo" rebuilt the royal palace in Gyeonyeong-gun to take the shape of unified country after its accomplishment of unification of the late three countries, Then it was afraid of the rebellion and uprising of local powerful clans, The country put them under control and organized the local army with them in the era of Kings, Seongjong, through the kings, Seongjong and Gwangjong. The army system of "Goryeo" consisted of 2-Gun and 6-Wi, and 2-Gun placed above the 6-Wi played the role of the Royal guards, and among the organizations a certain army under the specific name of "Gyeonyong-gun" guarded the kings in the nearest position. An aristocratic culture enjoyed its golden age in the period of stability of the aristocracy of "Goryeo", but afterward in the confusion of the aristocratic disruption and incompatible confrontation the country lost its control, and faced military rebellions by treating civil officials well and ill-treating military officials The safety of kings become unstable with the grasping political power by the military officials, and "Dobang" was established in the era of Choi's family to grasp political power. In the era of Choi Woo, he gathered his men and organized his familys army with them and managed the personnel administration with the civil officials of "Jeongbang and Seobang under his command. Such a fact shows the similarity to today's task of guarding. Considering the facts that "Sambyeolcho, the military ground of the military-men-rule, was at the center of the struggling against Mongolia and that even after the fall of the military regime, they rebelled and fought against Mongolia to the end, we came to know that the nationalism in the era of the military era was great. In the transition of external situations from "Myeong" to "Won"(Chinese dynasties), the conflict between the old "Won"-friendly power and the new "Myeong"-friendly power caused the weakness of the power to guard the royal household, and "Goryeo" at last gave way to the newly rising "Joseon" led by Lee, Seong Gye who won the people's confidence.

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