• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2012

This study aimed at learning the values and meanings of the letters carved on the rocks all over Mt. Sangdu located at the boundary between Kimje-si and Jeongeup-si of Jeollabuk-do by grasping the current state of them, investigating the patterns and contents of them, and understanding the spatial and landscape properties of the region where the rocks are scattered. The results of this study are as follows; The name of Mt. Sangdu came from the mountain with the same name located in India where Buddha were seeking the truth, and means auspicious. With the recognition of ancient maps and books, various propitious spots also made the landscape symbols of Mt. Sangdu solidify. Whoam, Chaangsuk-Kim, Weolgye Young-Cho Song and the members of Cheonggye Society like Dongcho Seok-Gon Kim led the creation of the rocks, and the 41 letter-carved rocks all over four water systems were found out and all of them were carved with Chinese characters. The letters were usually carved on flat and broad rocks, and they mainly had the shape of a small waterfall and a wide waterfall of under 1 meter height. 25(60.9%) of the carved letters were about moral training, and it seemed that they wanted to protect their pride under the shackle of the Japanese colonization over Korea. The styles of handwriting are Hangseo and Jeonseo except for names, and show various and complex styles. The mix composition of the carved letters of 'Yusubulbu(流水不腐)' of Choseo and the rocks of Takjok(濯足) is extraordinary, and the letters carved as the shape of Nakkwan(落款) have artistic value and degree of finishing. It seemed that intellectuals during the Japanese colonization over Korea in the 1930s considered Mt. Sangduasa highly valuable region because they expressed their hope and wish for the new world on the rocks. The letters on the rocks of Mt. Sangdu are invaluable cultural landscaping elements for the improvement of landscaping symbolism of Mt. Sangdu because of colliding values and spirits of the time of 'the anguish and pain of intellectuals' and 'the status of living joyfully outside of the mundane world.'

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.21
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• pp.77-110
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• 2004

This study is an exploration of a Korean-American writer, Hong-Eun's Mong-yu siga. Hong-Eun immigrated to the United States during the colonial rule of the Japanese government. He was a publisher of The New Korea Times, and contributed various literary works to it. The purpose of this study is to analyze his two Mong-yu sigas published in 1935 and 1947 and elucidate their meanings. Using dream as a primary motif, the intention of Mong-yu mode is to achieve desire which is impossible to reach in reality. While his staying in the United States, Hong-Eun could not return his home country for two reasons, that is, political and financial ones. To return Korea desperately, he wrote sigas by adopting Mong-yu mode. His first attempt was reflected as eight pieces of consecutive poetries titled This Mountain In My Dream, I am Home. This Mountain was published on the 25th of April, 1935 and In My Dream, I am Home was contributed from May the 9th of 1935 to July the fourth of the same year. These works were published in the The New Korea Times' poetry column under the pen name of Donghae-soboo , Representing gasa of the enlightenment era, this poetry depicts historical identity of Chosun dynasty, especially focusing on before and after the 1900s. As a result of it, the poetry sketches the ideology of the Middle Ages. His second attempt was A Country and Hometown written as a form of prelude on the 25th of September, 1947. In addition, A Country in My Dream was published as a form of six pieces of consecutive poetry from October the second to November the sixth of 1947. He chose sijo as a major form of poetry, and the image of the poetry seemed to be the continuation of his first attempt. Confronting the reality of the his own country which is divided, the writer expresses his antagonism toward America and Russia. Although he could eventually return his country later, he rationalized himself by saying that his it is not the ideal place to go. Mong-yu mode is a traditional poetic technique which the intellectuals of the Middle Age used to use as one pattern of allegory. In addition to this, in the period of the enlightenment of Korea, Mong-yu was used to avoid the Japanese censorship and experiment on the diverse ways of writing. In terms of literary history, the significance of Hong-Eun's creation of Mong-yu sigas is that Hong-Eun shares the same intention with Korean intellectuals of the enlightenment period.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.99
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• pp.30-49
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• 2021

Scholar Byeoksu in a Pavilion by An Jung-sik (1861-1919; sobriquet: Simjeon) was first shown to the public in the exhibition Art of the Korean Empire: The Emergence of Modern Art at the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art, Deoksugung. This painting bears poems and inscriptions composed by Kim Taek-yeong (1850-1927; sobriquet: Changgang) and written by Kwon Dong-su (1842-?; sobriquet: Seokun). A rare example of an actual-view landscape painting by An Jung-sik, this painting is significant in that it depicts upper-class houses in Seoul in the early twentieth century. More importantly, it demonstrates an association among intellectuals of the time. Yun Deok-yeong (1873-1940; sobriquet: Byeoksu), who asked An Jung-sik to create this painting, was an uncle of Empress Sunjeonghyo (1894-1966), the consort of Emperor Sunjong. He was one of the most prominent collaborators who promoted the Japanese colonization of Korea. When Emperor Sunjong bestowed Yun Deok-yeong with a hanging board with an inscription reading "Scholar Byeoksu in a Pavilion," Yun requested the production of this painting to mark the event. Kim Taek-yeong, a master of Chinese literature during the late Korean Empire period, sought asylum in Nantong, Jiangsu Province in China with his family a month before the Protectorate Treaty was signed between Korea and Japan in 1905. In 1909, he returned to Korea. His decision to return was greatly influenced by Yun Deok-yeong and Yi Jae-wan (1855-1922). Upon his return, Kim Taek-yeong intended to gather materials for publishing a history book. Also, Kim continuously met his old acquaintances, made new friends, and socialized with them. He built relationships with people from various backgrounds, including those living in regions like Gurye, and even in other countries like Japan. This indicates that intellectuals of the time were still forming networks through poems and prose regardless of their political inclination, social rank, or nationality. Scholar Byeoksu in a Pavilion is of great value in that it shows an aspect of the intellectual exchanges among the learned people of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.123-152
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• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.1-42
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• 2011

In terms of seaborne contacts of Vietnamese court with foreign countries had two directions in the 19th century. One was with Island Southeast Asian ports such as Singapore, Malacca, Penang, Batavia, and Manila. The other direction was to Canton. The Canton contact of Vietnam again can be interpreted as one of the two directions of Vietnamese contact with China. The inland route far to Beijing was based on the political and diplomatic consideration, while the closer route to Canton by the court vessels was more for the economic consideration as the case for the contact with the Island Southeast Asia. In this article, author discusses three issues to illuminate the nature of the trips of the court vessels of the Nguyễn dynasty to Canton. First is to clarify detail itinerary of the trip from the Thuận An Estuary to the City of Canton via Đà Nãng and Hanan. Unlike to the Western ships that visited Canton but anchored at the Huang Fu, Vietnamese square-rigged/copper-bottomed ships sailed up the Pearl river to the Guangzhou city front to stay for four or five months before they returned to Vietnam. In the second chapter, various kinds of observation of the Vietnamese officials are discussed. If the objects of the observation are divided into two categories, one is the world Westerners in Canton, and the other is the world of Chinese. In a same place, Canton, the Vietnamese officials could have enough chance to compare the two worlds clearly. An important consequence for the Vietnamese officials was to conclude that the mechanical technology of the Westerners was better than that of Chinese. This kind of conclusion led the Vietnamese court to send court personnels to learn Western technologies and languages in the port cities of Island Southeast Asia and to enlarge contacts with them. In the last chapter, author tries to find out the items that the Vietnamese mission purchased in Canton in exchange to the Vietnamese products. The items that the Vietnamese mission purchased included ceramics, silk, books, and medicines. With the support of the Chinese settlers in Vietnam the mission was able to be involved in the deal of illegal items such as opium, and possibly some kinds of precious ginseng from Korea. Overall, the process of the itinerary, observation, and purchase during the trip to Canton was the way to form the new point of view of Vietnamese intellectuals towards China standing from the side of Westerners. To the Vietnamese who experienced both Canton/Macao and the Western worlds in the port cities of Island Southeast Asia China was not the only center of the world, nor the Westerners could be looked down as the barbarians. In Canton, a peripheral region looked from the imperial capital Beijing, but the most internationalized city of China at that time, Vietnamese officials were training themselves to overcome China.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.48
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• pp.421-446
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to shed light onto the historical significance and limitations of the Tsukiji Little Theater's modern performances. The Tsukiji Little Theater holds a position of great importance to the history of both Japanese and Korean modern theater. Some, however, are under the completely opposite impression. There are also mixed opinions about whether the Tsukiji Little Theater is a "model example" of the modern theatrical movement or a "bad example". Based on this controversy, we look into the definitive characteristics of the Tsukiji Little Theater based mostly on "the controversy over translated foreign plays", "the controversy of foreign plays versus original plays", "the value of kabuki" and "Shinpa as a rival". This paper looked into the differences in controversy over translated foreign plays in the Tsukiji Little Theater and the controversy in existing translated foreign plays. It mostly looks at the "casuistry of foreign plays" and the "cultural engineering theory of foreign plays"to get a grasp on the controversy surrounding existing translated foreign plays. Meanwhile, the "internally critical meaning" towards the original plays of renowned writers was strong in the controversy of foreign plays in the Tsukiji Little Theater. Kaoru Osanai defined the 1920s as a dark period, and persisted that because of the activity of the Shingeki movement, foreign plays were needed instead of low-level original plays. This study examines the characteristics of original plays and foreign plays publicly performed at the Tsukiji Little Theater to analyze the "controversy of translated foreign plays versus original plays". The Tsukiji Little Theater mostly put on shows with a strong sense of resistance or that defied the old times. This caused there to be a lot of emphasis put on the rebellious mindset towards old conventions and ideologies for most of the plays, both foreign and original, and the problem arises that little mind was paid to the integrity or beauty of the works. In looking at the "value of kabuki", this paper looked into Kaoru Osanai, who was deeply involved in kabuki actors. He evaluated traditional Japanese arts highly not because of the literary value of their scripts, but because he recognized the value of how they were performed. In order to create a new spectacle, music, dance and mime was taken in from countries around the world, and kabuki was regarded highly as a means of expression on stage. Finally, we also examine the recognized reasons for treating Shinpa as a rival. There is a relationship between these reasons and a complex about the audiences they drew. The Shinpa performances always had many spectators and were successful, but those at the Tsukiji Little Theater were so unpopular with the public that it was hard for them to financially run their theater group. The empty seats in their theater constantly made the modern intellectuals in the Shingeki movement feel inferior.

• The Journal of Korean Medicine
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.38-48
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• 2010

Objectives: Moxa treatment has outstanding effects that are frequently facilitated in a clinical setting, and it is also known to have positive effects for immunity and relief of pain through various studies. Currently, moxa treatment has become diversified in many ways. One of the moxa treatment techniques that was frequently used during the Joseon Dynasty was Woogakgubeop (牛角灸法, horn-shaped moxa treatment). This articles aims to disclose the fact that the Woogakgubeop is the technique applicable to the origin of the Large moxa treatments of today. Also, the writings of Woogakgubeop recorded in the royal medical documentations, such as the Chronicles of the Royal Families of the Joseon Dynasty, the Seungjeonwonilgi (The Daily Records of Royal Secretariat) and others, are analyzed and the characteristics of the Woogakgubeop are cleared through it. Methods: From the royal medical documents, the Chronicles of the Royal Families of the Joseon Dynasty and the Seungjeonwonilgi, articles related Woogakgubeop were extracted and analyzed. Records of each document were facilitated for the DB search. In addition to these two documents, the records of written literature were surveyed as well. The written literature are appropriate to express the experiences of intellectuals at the time. Results and Conclusions: 1. Considering that Woogakgubeop is a single therapy, there exists relatively many records in addition to the specialized medical documents, and through them, it is known that Woogakgubeop was a widely known therapy in the middle to later parts of Joseon in general. 2. Woogakgubeop is a method that addresses problems contained within the existing moxa treatment techniques. By enlarging the size of the mugwort wick, it strengthens the heat energy of the moxa treatment to reduce the frequency of applying moxa treatment. When undertaking the method to empty the wick inside the mugwort, the pain of a fever patient will be reduced and burn damage to the skin is minimized. 3. Wind-cold type weakness and other general moxa treatment techniques have been used for various symptoms detailed, including chest pain, tinnitus, carbuncle, cellulites, cold sense of leg, colic, diarrhea and other illnesses. In addition, it may generate strong fever, and was used to implement the Yeonjebeop (煉臍法). 4. Woogakgubeop is applicable to the origin of Large moxa treatment of today and it provides important bibliographic base thereof.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.441-456
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• 2010

While the Dong Hae was originally named for the point of the compass, it became a proper noun containing knowledge on the long history. The Dong Hae has played host to a number of historic events and cultural meanings and is a geographical space in the nature. This study examined the geographical cognition of ancestors about the Dong Hae among the historic and cultural meanings of Dong Hae and a variety of figurations described in literature. Intellectuals of the Joseon period identified the global geography on a higher level an recognized the geography and topography of the land in the structure that they identified. In this aspect, Mt. Baekdu, one of two mountains which dominated the world, ruled the geography of Liaodong field, the Korean peninsula and Japnn. Historical geographers mentioned the Dong Hac whenever discussing Mt. Baekdu and Baekdudaegan (Great Range) from long ago. Baekdudaegan and the Dong Hae are the complete symbol of national territory with great size, depth, height, width, dignity and magnanimity. The cultural figurations of the Dong Hae were classified into four categories. In Korean literature, the Dong Hae strengthened the spirits of those who lived in the Korean peninsula. Second, the Dong Hae was the basis to see through and deliberate the reasons of life and the world. Third, the view of the Dong Hae from Baekdudaegan changed the cognition about the land. Finally, the Dong Hae was where the hard life of people in the fishing villages occurred and a variety of customs and trades were dynamically deployed.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.171-200
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• 2016

The full-scaled study of Joseon conducted by Japan in the 1910s was part of its colonial policy, while the native Joseon studies against it contained political aspiration to recover the national rights and independence. Accordingly, the conceptual meaning of 'Joseon' varied according to its subject of speech. The establishment of modern nation-state failed along with the extinction of Korean Empire, but 'Joseon' was newly discovered within national ideology. It became a historical concept in which the experience of the past and the expectation toward the future could be united. The so-called 'Joseon Studies' was only limited to intellectuals in the academic circle, but 'Joseon' embraced the articulations from more various social agents. Furthermore, it is only natural that 'Joseon Studies' should be interpreted within the historical semantics of 'Joseon', considering the connection between concept and discourse. In his The History of Joseon Civilization, An Hwak encompassed the history from the times of ancient mythology to the contemporary times under the banner of 'Joseon'. Opposing Japanese distortion of history carried out in the name of historical positivism, he idealized Joseon history as comparable to that of the Western democracy. He extended the study of 'Joseon' into culture at large, foreshadowing a kind of Joseon philosophy. In his An Overview of Joseon Philosophical Ideas, the first description of 'Joseon philosophy' as an independent field, he proposed philosophy as one of three sources of pride in Joseon and asserted its uniqueness and originality compared to the West. It was an attempt to grasp the peculiarity of Joseon ideas from a perspective of the history of universal human civilization. He considered 'Jong'(倧) as an ideological foundation held from the ancient to the modern times, and the acceptance of Buddhism and Confucianism as beneficial to 'Joseon philosophy'. The birth of 'Joseon philosophy', the modern transformation of the traditional knowledge system, was an intellectual experiment to apply traditional knowledge to the modern disciplinary classification system.