• Journal of architectural history
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• v.12 no.2 s.34
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• pp.41-59
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• 2003

Hugo $H\"{a}ring$(1882-1952) belonged to that special generation of architects born in the 1880s which became responsible for the establishment of Modern Movement in the 1920s as W. Gropius, Mies van der Rohe and Le Corbusier, etc. Although he have been overlooked by many historian, He was a key figure of the Modern architecture and as the main theorist for Organic stream in German architecture. He is well-known for his theory of 'Neues Bauen(New Building)', the organic functionalism that is epitomized as the design process from the inside outwards, starting with the life-processes of dwelling. So he argued that the builder must become aware of the life process his building is to serve, and he should not impose a form but try to find the form. These concepts are expressed well in his key-words, the 'Organwerk(organ-work)' and 'Leistungsform(form as achievement)'s. $H\"{a}ring's$ theory can be found in the short early essay, 'Wege zur Form(approaches to form)' of 1925. But His concept of 'function' is based on the speciality and individual identity that concerned him from the start, not purely pragmatic aspects. After 1940s his theory moved increasingly in this direction. He defined this as the transition from 'Organwerk' to 'Gesetaltwerk', from mere anatomy to essence, being, personality, life. It suggest that Hugo Haring's idea of Gestalt is a dimension of mystical or symbolic meaning. This paper Is about the way in which this theoretical transition can be parallel with contemporary philosophers as E. Cassirer's philosophy of symbolic forms and M. Heldegger's phenomenology. And the key example of this viewpoint is (1921-1926) near Lubuk in Germany, with its 'cowshed' of pear shaped plan devised around the requirements and rituals of farm. This study presents the symbolic conception of Hugo $H\"{a}ring's$ theory can propose the ability of a symbolic intuition as a view that re-integrate technical thinking with knowledge of other kinds beyond the immediate material.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.28
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• pp.65-84
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• 1996

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relation between the beauty of human body and the fashion illustration in each period And I attained my object through the investigation of features and changes of illustration which is given a vivid description of the features and development of ideal humam body beauty. By various methods I studied this subject. Frist I refered to sundry records Secondly I investiated the fashion illustrations which are included in Vogue. On the basis of this data I grasped the ideal types of human body beauty which is founded during the social change in each 10 years. And I analyzed the relation be-tween the ideal type and fashion illustration which show the change of fashion. The summary of result is as follows. 1. In the early part of the 20th century the beauty of human body is represented with the figure of large-sized beauty which emphasize shoulder and bust. And fashion ikllustration show 9 life-size broad shoulder full bust lim waist and hourglass silhouette. 2, In the 1910s the swell of strength vanishes gradually and shoulder and sleeve are straight type. And fashion illustration show 7 life-size high waist line. And that is tublar sil-houette of high waist and streamline shape in which bust and hip are not emphasized. 3. In the 1920s the ideal type of human body beauty is straight type which shows flat bust and unexaggerate hip. And fashion illus-tration is about 8 life-size tublar silhouette of low waist and lunger and slimmer and young style in which bust and hip are not emph-asized. 4. In the 1930s the ideal is womamly slim and long style. Fashion illustration is about 8 life-size and slim & long silhouette in which waist line is emphasized and bust and hip line come out. 5. In the 1940s the ideal type is womamly style which has narrow shoulder rich bast and slim waist. And fashion illustration is about 7 life-size and hourglass silhouette which has unartificial shoulder slim waist and empha-sized bust. 6. In the 1950s the ideal type is that of ro-bust health which emphasize build and muscu-lar system. And fashion illustration is 8.5 life-size and show full bust and made waist slimmer. That is sheath silhouette. 7. In the child who has full face with large eyeball slender and long leg: narrow and immatured body comparatively big head. And fashion illus-tration is 7 life-size and show slim and long neck flat bust long and slim limbs and big head. That is H type silhouette. 8. In the 1970s the ideal type is high stat-ure flat breast small hip and wide shoulders. And fashion illustration is wide shoulders and slim waist as 11 life-size and straight sil-houete. 9. In the 1980s the ideal type is extremely emphasized breadth of shoulder because healthy body and muscle are recognized as the symbol of ideal attractiveness. And fashion il-lustration is about 8.5 life-size and show mus-cular slim type that is slim silhouette. 10 At the present time the ideal type is slim and tall type which is empasized healthy beauty. And fashion illustration is 12 life-size which has healthy body and skin So that is slim and long type.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.133-168
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to examine the state and characteristic of seafood marketing in Korean West Coast during the colonial period ruled by Japan. To accomplish the purpose, we tried to set the fisheries statistical database by reviewing of $\boxDr$Statistical Annual Report of Chosun Chongdokbu$\boxUl$ and $\boxDr$Official Report of Chosun Chongdokbu$\boxUl$. A trend analysis was carried out with the data. Also, by reviewing of articles related to the state of seafood marketing via $\boxDr$Daehan Maeil Newspaper$\boxUl$, $\boxDr$Maeil Newspaper$\boxUl$ issued at the period, we could find out some meaningful findings which backed up the statistics in realistic facts. For numbers of businessman in seafood marketing, it was clear that the number of Japanese businessmen increased more quickly than that of Korean compared with other sphere of fisheries. That means Japanese grasped Korean seafood market in a short time. In price of seafood in terms of cities, Kunsan was comparatively higher than Incheon and Mokpo. In price of seafood in terms of species, ‘Snapper’ was mostexpensive, and ‘Mackerel Pike’, ‘Anchovy’, ‘Mullet’, ‘Eel’, ‘Flatfish’ followed in that order. In price of a species in terms of ‘Yellow Croaker’, which was famous in West Sea, ‘Croaker with salt’ was more expensive than dried and fresh one. For the transition trend of number of fish market, we could ascertain that the number of market increased until 1919, however, it decreased slowly from 1932. That means Japanese government went to war against China from 1931. Of the West Coast, the number of fish market in Chungnam province was most high, but that of Chonbuk outrun from 1940. At that time, the number of fish market in West Coast reached to 34% out of that of whole country. In 1919, the proportion of seafood sales amount of West Coast neighboring provinces, such as Kyunggido, Chungnam, and Chonbuk, was 23% of whole country which rose to 28% in 1929, and 29% in 1939. Therefore, we could assure that seafood marketing was very active at that time in the region. When we consider the trend of seafood export at the main ports of West Coast, in 1910's, the export through Mokpo and Inchon port was very live but that of Kunsan was very tiny. However, in 1920's, the export amount of Inchon port did not much change, but that of Mokpo decreased, whereas, that of Kunsan increased. In the early and middle of 1910' s which was around beginning of Japanese ruling period, we realized that the imperialist Japan was very eager in political efforts to enhance the mind of seafood's quality improvement through the opening of several fisheries competitive shows and fairs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.10-23
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• 2021

During the Japanese colonial period, the palaces of Joseon were damaged in many parts. Changgyeonggung Palace is the most demolished palace with the establishment of a zoo, botanical garden, and museum. During the Japanese colonial period, the palaces of Joseon were damaged in many parts. This study examined the construction process of Jangseogak(Yi Royal-Family Museum), located right next to the Jagyeongjeon site, which was considered the most important space in the Changgyeonggung residential area of royal family zone, through historical materials and field research. Built in 1911, Jangseogak is located at a location overlooking the entire Changgyeonggung Palace and overlooking the Gyeongseong Shrine of Namsan in the distance. Changes in the surrounding space during the construction of Jangseogak can be summarized as follows. First, in the early 1910s, the topography of the garden behind Jagyeongjeon and part of the Janggo were damaged to create the site of Jangseogak. The front yard was built in the front of Jangseogak, and a stone pillar was installed, and a staircase was installed to the south. In the process, the original stone system at the rear of Yanghwadang was destroyed, and it is presumed that Jeong Iljae and other buildings were demolished. Second, in the 1920s, many pavilions were demolished and the zoo and botanical gardens and museums were completed through leveling. After the Jangseogak was completed, the circulation of the Naejeon and surrounding areas was also changed. Cherry trees and peonies were planted in the flower garden around the front yard of Jangseogak and the stairs, and a Japanese-style garden was created between Yanghwadang and Jibbokheon. Third, in the 1930s, the circulation around Jangseogak was completed in its present form, and the museum, Jangseogak, Zoological and Botanical Gardens, and Changgyeonggung, which became a cherry tree garden, were transformed into a Japanese-style cultural park. After that, the surrounding space did not change much until it was demolished. The restoration of the present palace is a long-term, national project of the Cultural Heritage Administration. The results of this study will provide important data for the restoration plan of Changgyeonggung Palace in the future, and it is expected that it will provide additional information to related researchers in the future.

• Journal of Gifted/Talented Education
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.41-52
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• 2004

No educational provision for the gifted and talented works in a cultural vacuum, and this is as true for out-of-school activities as for what happens in school itself. There is evidence that excellence in children's achievements can come from widely differing special provision or from no special provision at all. Cultural influences affect attitudes as to who might be gifted and talented and what might be done for them. Whatever the size and influence of special centres anywhere, there is always overlap between in-school and out-of-school activities. For all styles of provision, cooperation between the two is a vital aspect of success. The major cultural dichotomy in this field is between the perception, usually found in the Far East that 'most children have gifted potential' and the largely Western view that 'few children have gifted potential'. It is safe to say that children who are selected for aptitude and ability, and who are keen to learn, will get more from special enrichment than those who of equal potential who have not had that experience. But this does not necessarily show the provision as the best possible method for enhancing gifts and talents. In fact, I do not know of a single scientific investigation, either cross-culturally or within one country, which compares any aspect of an out-of-school programme with another. As a result it is hard to say what type of provision would be most appropriate and effective in any given situation. Outcomes are also dependent on the enthusiasm, organisation and money put into any scheme - as well as the way youngsters are chosen for it. Some of the largest and most influential out-of-school American institutions were founded on the psychological understanding of human abilities that was current in the 1920s. These early influences of seeking an IQ cut-off point (or equivalent) to identify the gifted still affect their practice. in addition, the big American Talent Searches so often select youngsters for summer-schools not only by their high-level achievements, but also by their parent's ability to pay the sometimes high fees. Opinions about the identification of the brightest children and consequential educational practice underlie all provision for their education, whether in or outside school hours. Because of cross-cultural differences, it would not seem wise to copy any action directly from one culture to another without recognising these influences and possibly modifying the model. The growing trend around the world is to offer high-level opportunities to as many youngsters as possible, so that no keen learner is turned away without even a change of sampling them.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.62-86
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• 1970

A study on the upper garment of Korean women, JUORI The upper garment of Korean women. JUGORI, is an inherited mode from the ancient clothing style in the various aspects based on the particulars of Korean clothes. The ancient style of clothes is originated from KWAMDUI belonging to inhabitants of Northern Territory of Korea. And it is quite different from Chinese clothes in lineage. However, this unicque mode of clothes has been much influnced by the Chinese culture and also by the climate of Korea. And it is quite different from Chinese clothes in lineage. However, this unicque mode of clothes has been much influnced by the Chinese culture and also by the climate of Korean penynsula. The changes of the pattern of JUGORI, in a word, is a sign of shortening tendency of size. This tendency of JUGORI is remarkably seen in the shortening of length and other parts are decreased in size. The JUGORI in the ancient age was fallen below the weist of woman, which is similar to Robe, and was worn with band. However, the length of the JUGORI has been gradually shortened, and therefore, GORUM took place of the band. The shortening tendency of JUGORI is seemed to be shown its sign in the initial time of its origin, because there are some evidences that the women in Sylla Dynasty, and this tendency has been much expedited during the period of Koryu Dynasty with influences of Monggorian culture (Won Lynasty of China) The oldest sample for data of JUGORI in nowaday is one the remains of Yi Dynasty, and this sample for data provides all the particulars of the modern pattern of JUGORI. The tendency of JUGORI had been continued even in Yi Dynasty, and at the end of the Dynasty, the clothes was shortened that the women felt inconvenient wearing it in the status of the shortened JUGORI which was even hardly cover the initial time of epoch of modernization induced from the Western civilization, and after 1920s and 1930s JUGORI become a larger tendency. This is a sing of revival of practical use and rationalization of JUGORI become a shortening tendency again, and the size is similar with that of early age of Yi Dynasty. Instead of these similarities, the particulars of modern JUGORI is weighing on much emphasis on curve beauty and expression of experior beauty. The reason is that, together with westernization of clothes, JUGORI became a special pattern of clothes as a traditional Korean women wears. The very thing explaining this pattern of JUGORI is the "ARIRANG DRESS". And there are some fashion using button instead of GORUM and half sleeve JUGORI for summer use which is regarded as a part of improved aspect of life in Korea. in Korea.

• Journal of Plant Biology
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.11-20
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• 1958

I. Assumption: Mo-kam-ju, Koelreuteria paniculata is a woody plant mainly cistributed over Northern China. Its sporadic growth along the beaches of Korea and Japan is assumed to have been sowed by the seeds transported adrift on the current across the ocean. II. Use and Growth of the Plant: In China, this plant has been cultivated from early times mainly at temples, it seeds being used as rosaries, its flowers for yellow dyes and medicine for the eyes, and its leaves for black dyes. In Korea and Japan, these plants have been cultivated at temples and used as the material for rosaries. No natural growth of these plants was reported until 1919. III. Discoveries: In this domestic area, Dr. Chung Tae Hyun discovered the plant on the beach between Cho-Do and Chang-san-kot, Hwang-Hae Prov. in 1920. The reporter discovered them on the beach at Buk-Ni, Duk-jok-Do in 1948, at An-Hung in 1956 and on the beach at An-min-Do in 1957. In the Japan area, it was discovered for the first time twenty years ago, mainly along the coast line of the Japan Sea and some along the eastern coast line, at Subo, Yamaguchi Prefecture facing the Pacific Ocean. IV. Study and Experiment: A. Seed The seed coat is thick, non-permeable and floatable. A number of seeds were immersed in artificial sea water and fresh water separately. The seeds remained there for a hundred and forty-five (145) days from April 6, 1957 to August 29, 57. Thirty one seeds out of the fifty immersed in salt water and twenty seeds out of the fifty immersed in fresh water remained on the surface of the water, proving them to be non-permeable to both sea and fresh water. Of course, these had retained their germinating capabilities. Five (5) seeds out of twenty from the fresh water and six (6) out of thirty-one from the sea water were successfully germinated after a hole had been drilled in the seed coat and they had been planted. Thus their floating capability, non-permeability and germinating capability after a possible 145 day trip on the flowing currents has been proved satisfactory according to the assumption made above. B. Current As shown in the Data 2 and 3, the sea current initiated in the Pohai Sea flows westward down along the coast line of Korea reaching the southern part during the autumn and winter seasons. This fact also is in favor of the reporter's assumption. V. Discussion and Conclusion: The reporter concludes that, as discussed above, Koelreuteria paniculata which originates in Northern China is transported adrift on the flowing sea current to our western coast line, and also the coast lines of Shantung and Kuangtung of China and it is germinated on the sandy beaches forming new plants. Thus, the seeds drifted down on the southern beach of Korea and have been transported to the Japanese coast, adrift on the Tae-Ma current. Upon fruition, the seeds of the plants which settle on the coasts of western Korea and Japan will migrate to new places. It can be, however, assumed that while the thickness and nonpermeability of the coat enables the long travel in the water, this also can compose a difficulty in germination, consequently in developing a new distribution of this species.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Railway
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.157-165
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• 2015

At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries, Japan, Korea, and Manchuria, and areas throughout East Asia, suffered a number of cycles of growth and development, for which the railway was a very important development tool and was closely associated with national policy. East Asian affairs, especially at the time, seemed very important to the continent, and their influence on the advance of this remarkable era was especially prominent in Japan. In the midst of this period, the national railway may have evolved under national policy and railway policy and under a variety of organizations and persons of influence. In this paper, we have tried to find the similarities and differences among the three countries that built the East Asia Railway; we consider the characteristics of the East Asia Railway from the perspectives of these three countries. Comparing the characteristics of the three country's railways, first, Japan had the motives of continental expansion and modernization in its pursuit of the railway; in Korea, the railway played the role of a continental rail link; and in Manchuria there was a tendency to pursue direct domination of the railway. Second, the Japanese applied their railway model to Korea; the Korean railway may have been in operation, but it was an extension of the railway of Japan. The railway in Manchuria showed a similar pattern to that which can be found in the state of Asian domination of Europe ; Japan showed aspects of dominance over the railway because it had experience running a private railway.