• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제16권
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• 제17권3호
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• pp.162-177
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• 2017

This study explores how the media covered the new media agenda in the process of the diffusion of new media and what the press's attitude about new media policy is according to the relationship between the press and the government based on the political tendency. For this, this study conducted network analysis. The agreement of political tendency between the press and the government is important variable to decide the attitude of the press about the new media policy. Under the conservative government, the conservative press supported the new media policy, however the opposite opposed it Even if opinion page can take an important role in the process of public opinion, the tone pf editorial page on the new media policy differs from its political tendency. It costs tremendous investment in introducing new media, journalists have judge.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제59권
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• pp.71-91
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• 2012

Gun-Ho Song had been selected as 'the most respected person' in a survey targeting journalists. While being a journalist, Gun-Ho Song had directly experienced that the press submitted to government suppression and became commercialized receiving government benefits. In 1975, when Dong-A Ilbo(Daily News) submitted to the government suppression and conducted a mass of discharge of journalists, he felt responsibility and left the newspaper company. After that, he criticized more sharply the media subordinated to the power and capital. The core of Gun Ho Song's thought of the press is that the media should be independent from the power and capital contributing to nationalism and democracy. Also, he insisted that journalists should equip with historical consciousness and social scientific knowledge beyond roles like skilled workers. His idea of the press is still valid in the current media situation showing that journalists become skilled workers and independence of the press is risky. Looking into his activity and idea of the press can help seek for the right attitude of journalists and right roles of the media in the change of media environment.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제32권
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• pp.75-111
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to investigate the dependency level of news attributes on the government source and to measure up the impact of news negativity, press ideology, and the conflict level on the forementioned relationship in the context of the prime definer role of the government. The prime definer means that the official source such as the government may dominate media access and create media dependency on the issue and issue attributes. To test the research questions, the content analyses of both the government briefing materials and newspapers were conducted. Textual arguments regarding the new administrative capital were chosen for the analysis. The results showed that the government source played a prime definer role in framing issue attributes of news reporting. This prime definer role was not diminished even among the negative coverage about the chosen topic. However, press ideology and the conflict level influenced the relationship between news attributes and the government-released information in some extent.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.31-56
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• 2013

Through the contents of press reports, this study is executed to identify what issues were treated intensively and how such issues have been reported by the press in the procedures of formation and changing of the records management system in the last 14 years. In order to achieve the study objective, histories of records management system were divided into Government of the People (1998-2002), former part of Participatory Government (2003-2005), latter part of Participatory Government (2006-2007), and the Lee Myung-bak administration (2008-2011). A total of 366 articles, which were reported in 7 newspaper companies in 14 years, were extracted and quantitative and qualitative analyses were executed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제40권
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• pp.114-149
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• 2007

This study aims to examine how practices in beats have changed before and after the opening of press rooms and the operation of the briefing system. This research conducted in-depth interviews with 19 beat reporters and government officials. In conclusion, results showed that the Participation Government's press policy had a significant influence on practices in the press room. The opening of the press room and the operation of the briefing system contributed to the improvement of several bad practices in beats. However, some negative aspects of the briefing system were found in the research. Beat reporters' interviews were limited, thus threatening citizens' rights to know.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제27권
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• pp.35-62
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• 2004

This study examined how the three major newspapers covered the press reform movement in Korea. Despite that the NGOs and Korean government keep trying to reform the market and structure of the newspapers, the targeted newspapers argue that they are unjustly accused of the dominance of the press market made by the readers' choice. Using frame analysis and discourse analysis, this study analyzed the news coverage on the press reform for 6 months and revealed that these major newspapers presumed to be targeted were totally challenging against the press reform by means of flaming of news and using news discourse. The ways of challenge were, firstly they appealed to the readers that the press reform is the press suppress so that they have to fight against this unacceptable pressure. And secondly, they report the news selectively for their own interests by elaborating, magnifying, or reducing the facts. Thirdly, they attack the government policies and major figures leading the press reform by letting the outside columnists favorable to their own standing point. And finally, they conduct the poll on and off and report what they want according to their self interests.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• 제18권4호
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• pp.575-585
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• 2018

The side effects of drug is closely linked to the people's health and professional. In this case, press report is very important in evaluating the side effects of drug and people's attitude of government's health policy. This study analyzed press report on the side effects of drug based on the main theme, source, responsibility attribution on crisis, frame and network analysis. Theses is a difference of main theme between the press. Daily newspaper focused on the occurrence of crisis and economical newspaper focused on the manufacture company. Professional paper focused on the criticizing of the health policy. The main source of the press on the side effects of drug is the Congressman. There are few articles which mentions about the crisis responsibility. However most articles mentioned that the subject of crisis solutions is the manufacturer. This study found the main meaning by network analysis. This study highlighted the government's crisis management based on the result of content analysis and network analysis.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• 제14권6호
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• pp.187-197
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• 2016

This research analyzed the relationship and the interaction effect between information understandability and information acquisition level in accordance with government's official message presentation types, in other words, press release in text form, infographic that visualize a large amount of information, and webtoon that helps to understand convoluted information in interesting ways. As a result of research, it was confirmed that there exist both main effect and interaction effect in official message types presented by government and information understandability according to the environmental awareness. In addition, the main effect per each variable was confirmed between official message types presented by government and information understandability according to the environmental awareness; however, the interaction effect per each variable was not confirmed. Such research result is meaningful in that it provides the government with basic data in obtaining the effectiveness and usefulness of the information dependent of the official message types presented by government to the information consumer facing the era of government 3.0.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.49-69
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• 2019

Over the last couple of years, digital diplomacy has become a fascinating area of research among Mass Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, and International Affairs scholars. Social media and new technology open up new avenues for governments, individuals, and organizations to engage with foreign audiences. However, developing countries' governments are still lacking in the realization of the potential of social media. This study aims to analyze the usage of social media (Facebook & Twitter) by the two biggest countries in South Asia (Pakistan and India). I selected 10 government officials' social media accounts including prime ministers', national press offices', military public relations offices', public diplomacy divisions', and ministries of foreign offices' profiles. The study relies on quantitative content analysis and a comparative research approach. The total number of analyzed Twitter tweets (n=1,015) and Facebook posts (n=1,005) include 10 accounts, five from each country. In light of Kent and Taylor's (1998) dialogic communication framework, the results indicate that no digital engagement and dialogue occurs between government departments and the public through social networking sites. Government departments do not engage with local or foreign audiences through digital media. When comparing both countries, results reveal that India has more institutionalized and organized digital diplomacy. In terms of departmental use of social media, the digital diplomacy division and foreign office of India is more active than other government departments in that nation. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military public relations office and press office is more active than its other government departments. In conclusion, both countries realize the potential of social media in digital diplomacy, but still lack engagement with foreign audiences.