• English & American cultural studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.1-25
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• 2017

This essay investigates how the industrialization of the US food system was closely linked to US foreign policy, gender issues, and the rise of consumerism in the Cold War era. While many scholars in American studies and women's studies over the past few decades have paid increasing attention to the interrelationship of gender politics and the media industry in shaping US domesticity, they have seldom studied how and why reading gender issues in relation to environmental discourse in general and the industrialized US food system in particular can help us better understand the complex relationship between environmental and social problems that we are facing today, both collectively and individually. In this context, this essay shows how US national politics have not only created the ideal of American domesticity that promotes traditional gender roles and consumerism at the expense of gender equality, but also negatively affected women's somatic and mental health writ large. By closely examining the cultural implications of Nixon's and Khrushchev's Kitchen Debate in the 1950s alongside newspapers, photographs, advertisements, and Sylvia Plath's The Bell Jar (1963), I argue that reading Cold War consumer culture in relation to the US food system leads readers to see the invisible links between gender politics and today's environmental and social problems in comparative and global contexts.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.89-122
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• 2020

The longing for submarine manufacture and the fear of her power had exited for a long time, but submarine that could submerge and attack was built from 20th century by science technology development. The question, 'Submarine can exercise her power in naval warfare?' had exited before World War I, but the effective value of submarine was shown in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare during World War I and World War II. Germany and the United States made the best use of submarines at that time. The submarines of these nations mounted fierce attack on the enemy's battleships and merchant ships and blocked the sea lanes for war material. These fierce attack on ships became impossible After World War II, and the major powers reduced and coordinated the defence budget, so they considered the role of submarine. However, submarine is still powerful weapon system because she can secretly navigate under the water, and one of the most important force in the navy. The aim of this thesis is analyzing submarine roles in each naval warfare and integrating maritime strategy and weapon system technology into her roles. First, the research about represent submarine roles like anti-surfaceship warfare, anti-submarine warfare, intelligence gathering, land attack, supporting special operation and mine landing warfare will be presented, then the major naval warfare where submarine participated(during ex-World War I, World War I, World War II, The Cold War Era and post Cold War) and the analyzing of submarine roles by time will be presented. Submarine was developed for anti-surfaceship warfare during ex-World War I but could not make remarkable military gain in naval warfare because her performance and weapon was inadequate. However, the effective value of submarine in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare was shown during World War I and World War II. The major powers put battleships into naval warfare undiscriminatingly to command the sea power and submarines did massive damage to enemy navy power, so put a restraint the maritime power of enemy, and blocked the sea lanes for war material. After World War II, the battlefield situation changed rapidly and the concept of preemption became difficult to apply in naval warfare. Therefore, the submarine was unable to concentrate on anti-surfaceship mission. Especially during the Cold War era, nuclear submarine came to appear and her weapon system developed rapidly. These development gave submarines special missions: anti-submarine warfare and intelligence gathering. At that time, United States and Soviet submarines tracked other nation's submarines loaded with nuclear weapons and departing from naval their base. The submarines also collected information on the volume of ships and a coastal missile launching site in company with this mission. After Cold War, the major powers despatched forces to major troubled regions to maintain world peace, their submarines approached the shores of these regions and attacked key enemy installations with cruise missiles. At that time, the United States eased the concept of preemption and made the concept of Bush doctrine because of possible 911 terrorism. The missiles fired from submarines and surface battleships accurately attacked key enemy installations. Many nations be strategically successful depending on what kind of mission a submarine is assigned. The patterns of future naval warfare that my country will provide against will be military power projection and coalition/joint operations. These suggest much more about what future missions we should assign to submarines.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.97-114
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• 2017

This article aims for searching the clue of North Korea nuke-problem by understanding it contextually. We must see this from the beginning as many trials in settling the problem have failed. North Korea nuke-problem is related to the change of international implication as well as the domestic process of its development. At first, it started from the regime survival, which evolved with the effect of learning. During the Cold War, its development had combined the principle of 'self-defense' because of Sino-Russia conflict. Particularly, its meaning varied dramatically due to the collapse of Cold War system plus the advent of post-Cold War system. North Korea nuclear program has became a global problem based on the deterioration of North Korea's security milieu and Bush administration's policy. Therefore, the area of common solution for NK nuke-problem must be found in the context of regime survival and the change of its meaning by continual convergence effort.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.14 no.6_1
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• pp.57-63
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• 2014

Even though the historical changes of the Cold War, they does not release the Cold War structure in Korean peninsula. And continues North Korea's provocations against South Korea. A factor of instability in Northeast Asia is the causing catastrophic inter-Korean relations and North Korea's Yeonpyeong shelling and provocation of the Cheonan battleship sinking by an explosion. These behaviors have been committed by among the North Korea military. North Korea's provocations made by a complex decision-making system in the United States and North Korea and South Korea. North Korea's aggressive military actions are conducted under the North Korean political system of strategies unification of the Korean peninsula. It has a duality of continuity and change, depending on the situation of a foreign policy in North Korea. If North Korea want maintain structure of their country, they should change the national policy and strategy, tactics and the military action type. North Korea should be a member of international community. As one of the country in the world, North Korea create economic power, nuclear tensions break, and participate in the international community for the peace.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Aeronautical & Space Sciences
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• v.44 no.8
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• pp.686-694
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• 2016

During the Cold War, all space developments were focused on the performance only. However economy becomes more important for space development after the Cold War. There is a growing interest in reusable launch vehicle to secure the economic feasibility. In this paper, technology development prospects and direction of reusable launch vehicles and future propulsion systems of various countries are presented.

• Journal of the military operations research society of Korea
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.86-104
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• 2005

During the 'Cold War', DoD had focused on the high performance and timely acquisition which enabled quick field out the superior weapons than the enemy regardless of acquisition cost. But, after the cold war, the focus has been changed to the 'cost effective acquisition' of weapon systems because of tremendous investment cost & economic theory. The U.S. DoD has been tried to make 'the most effective acquisition system'(AR, Acquisition Reform) from mid-80's with their enough experienced program data, and as a result, they had launched the new acquisition procedure - DoD 5000 series - in 1996. DoD is continuously doing the study and making several improvements on the procedure after it had been once announced. On Oct 30. 2002, DoD noticed that they cancelled the DoD 5000 series documents(5000.1, 5000.2, 5000.2-R) and 5000.2-R will be reissued as a guide. The most recent version which focused on 1) evolutionary acquisition and spiral development, 2) procedure for future technology systems including software and IT, 3) supplement on the area of efficiency, flexibility, creativity and innovation of old system was issued by May 12. 2003. This article suggests a 'good idea' based on the reviewing of these DoD efforts for our defense acquisition regulation and procedure to go. It includes the CAIV concept application, IPT utilization, T&E method, cost or price based contract etc-all for the effective acquisition.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.5-25
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• 2009

Since the end of the 1950-1953 Korean War, many scholars and policymakers have expressed concern about the possibility of another conflict on the peninsula. In certain respects, the post-1953 North-South Korea relationship resembles the Cold War that existed between the United States and the Soviet Union, 1945-1990. Although a "hot" never occurred, peace was never guaranteed. By looking at international theories (i.e., realism and liberal theory) and by utilizing casual-loop diagram analysis, the main purpose of this research is to explore on the likelihood of peace and war on the Korean peninsula. First, several factors (e.g., economic stagnation of North Korea, unstable political systems, and so on) emphasized by realism perspectives are significantly related to the likelihood of conflict between North and South Korea. Conversely, several determinants (e.g., economic assistance to North Korea, inter-dialogue between two Koreas, cultural and social exchange, and so on) emphasized by liberal approaches are significantly related to likelihood of peace on the Korean peninsula. Given the two different interpretations about the likelihood of conflict or peace, it can be argued that a second military action might occur on the Korean peninsula if realism theories are true. However, if practical factors exist on the Korean peninsula, the two Korean can optimistically expect a peaceful reunification in the future, without interference from other countries.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

The study started with the question, "Is Japan's normalization of nationalization a return to militarism?" Therefore, in order to analyze this, the characteristics of the international system after the inauguration of the Japanese Empire during World War I and World War II and the Abe's 2nd Cabinet in contemporary Japan were compared. Through this, there were some differences in the characteristics of the international system of the two periods, and as a result, it was intended to derive the differences between the two examples. During the prewar period of World War I, the militaristic Japanese Empire suffered great damage from the national pride of being the only power in Asia through the Paris Enhancement Conference, the Washington Navy Treaty, and the London Navy Treaty. However, the Western powers with colonies in Asia still existed in the region, so it was not possible to turn them into immediate power expansion. Meanwhile, World War II broke out in Europe. As a result, the Western powers had to focus on the whole of Europe, and the militaristic Japanese empire became a regional hegemony without missing the international system characteristic of "the hegemony." Unlike in the past militarism, Japan's case of pursuing common nationalization since 2012 has been carried out in the order of Northeast Asia in the composition of the "cold war" new cold war. In particular, Japan is attempting to transform itself into a normal state to strengthen the US-Japan alliance on a self-reliant level due to the lack of quantitative military power compared to the neighboring countries.

• Journal of the Korea Safety Management & Science
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.183-191
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• 2012

Since June 25th 1950, the beginning of the cold war (Korean war), Korean peninsula is still in a state of war. Officially South and North Korean government call a truceafter three years from the beginning day, however both countries are still having several combats in these days. So every Korean citizen male has duty for serving military duty and this lasts even after the serving regular military force, as reserved military. Although South Korea is very small country, the size of military is very large so informing all reserved military takes some time. Since this nation is confronting the enemy and considering the global potential threat, South Korean military needs expedite informing system to call up the reserved military to active duty. In this project, the current informing system has been analyzed and compared with the new method which is using social network service such as Twitter. However mobilization order is very critical. So in our new model there are two ways combined. Using twitter to inform and then use traditional ways to finish the order. This method will provide more efficient and accurate way to cover the call ups.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2017.05a
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• pp.371-372
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• 2017

The United States has built a missile defense system from the Cold War era, but since the end of the Cold War era, there have been many changes in international situation and threats. The forces of power divided between the United States and the Soviet Union have become increasingly threatened by China's willingness to expand its external influence, declaration of strong Russia and North Korea and Iran's nuclear armament and advanced ballistic missile technology. In response to this threat change, the Missile Defense Agency(MDA) has established strategies and policies, but its parent law has not been revised. United States changed to the FY2017 National Defense Authorization Act (FY2017 NDAA) including changed missile defense strategy. In this paper, I check US ballistic missile defense strategies included in the FY2017 NDAA and compare what changes have been made in existing strategies.