• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.33
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• pp.67-111
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• 2017

This article aims to shed light on the wartime labor mobilization of prisoners on a large scale in/across colonial Korea and beyond during the late wartime period. More specifically, this article reveals the logic and mode of mobilization, and sorts out nationwide mobilization cases in colonial Korea. To this end, this article draws on documents and magazines published by the criminal administration of the Japanese Government-General of Korea, as well as the memoirs of prisoners and prison staff including prison administrators and prison chaplains. With the onset of the wartime system, the labor work in prisons centered on the production of military supplies. In 1943, the labor mobilization began to organize the National Protection Corps and dispatch them to remote workplaces. For example, at the requests of the military, prisoners were selected and sent to Hainan Island, while others were sent to military factories and mining fields in the northern part of the country. The authorities specified and adjusted the criteria for imprisonment based on education, physical strength, and other physical and mental conditions. Unconverted ideological offenders were excluded from the mobilization, and instead put under separate control. In preparation for mobilization, the prisoners trained in military drills, received Japanese language education, and underwent assimilation as imperial subjects through the preaching in prison. In order to induce prisoners to volunteer, a legislation system based on the shortening of the prison terms, including the parole system, was also promoted under the wartime system. As a result, prisoners were forced to work harder and faster even under the lowest of wages, poor food and poor housing conditions, and they also filled vacancies in managerial positions by serving as supervisory assistants. The reward system for them, however, did not function properly towards the end of the war, and the number of escapes and infectious outbreaks, as well as mortality rates rapidly increased under the harsh conditions.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.13-30
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• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.1-36
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• 2017

This paper deals with the rise of Islamic scheme of security in Indonesia's longstanding traditions of vigilantism since the fall of Suharto's New Order regime. For that purpose, in comparison with other modes of the securitization process on morality issues that functioned by the end of New Order, I discuss the background that enables Islamic security to launch off, and the process of institutionalization and the practices of Islamic security agenda. I then argue how that scheme relates to power and moral legitimacy, and how it shapes the way of perceiving self and society. Through this ethnographic analysis of the rhetorical and institutional changes to the scheme of security in Indonesia, this paper demonstrates how the social stress in the reform era, which is mediated by the ideas of globalization and Islam, is put into the securitization process, and how Indonesian society imagines its future through the Islamic vehicle of security.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.329-362
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• 2017

This study starts from the awareness that 'rebellious communication' is still being regulated in various ways even though 'rebellious communication' was declared unconstitutional in a decision by the Constitutional Court in 2002. The meaning of 'rebellious' has been amplified and transformed at various points through the censorship systems established during the Japanese colonial era, the US military period, and the regime of Park Jung-hee. In particular, 'rebellious communication' is regulated to protect 'national security' and 'social customs' from the perspective of power. This study analyzed discourses containing judgement about the Park Jung-geun case and the violation of the National Security Law using retweet accounts or posts related to North Korea. This study explores the genealogy of 'rebellious communication' based on its relationship to the characteristics of Twitter and specific individuals.

• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.432-438
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• 2018

The occurrence of saturation in the CR-39 detector reduces and limits its detection dynamic range; nevertheless, this range could be extended using spectroscopic techniques and by measuring the net bulk rate of the saturated CR-39 detector surface. CR-39 detectors were irradiated by 1.5 MeV high alpha-particle fluence varying from $0.06{\times}10^8$ to $7.36{\times}10^8\;alphas/cm^2$ from Am-241 source; thereafter, they were etched in a 6.25N NaOH solution at a temperature of $70^{\circ}C$ for different durations. Net bulk etch rate measurement of the 1.5 MeV alpha-irradiated CR-39 detector surface revealed that rate increases with increasing etching time and reaches its maximum value at the end of the alpha-particle range. It is also correlated with the alpha-particle fluence. The measurements of UV-Visible (UV-Vis) absorbance at 500 and 600 nm reveal that the absorbance is linearly correlated with the fluence of alpha particles at the etching times of 2 and 4 hour. For extended etching times of 6, 10, and 14.5 hour, the absorbance is saturated for fluence values of $4.05{\times}10^8$, $5.30{\times}10^8$, and $7.36{\times}10^8\;alphas/cm^2$. These new methods pave the way to extend the dynamic range of polymer-based solid state nuclear track detectors (SSNTDs) in measurement of high fluence of heavy ions as well as in radiation dosimetry.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.151-185
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• 2017

Seoul's One Less Nuclear Power Plant is the major urban energy policy launched in April 2012. Its effort to respond to climate change and energy crisis in the aftermath of the Fukushima nuclear accident turned out very successful, considering huge decrease of energy consumption. However, the question of how the cut of energy consumption was possible remains unanswered. This paper introduces the concept of urban governance capacity as the cause of the success. It is the managing and governing capability to maintain the logical consistency policy system, comprising of policy perception, goals, policy tools and evaluation. Without this logical correspondence between the policy factors, any system including energy regime easily falls apart during the systemic transitional period. Governance capacity provides the integrating framework, so that the system as a whole maintains the internal homeostasis.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.119-153
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• 2017

This paper examines the institutionalized images of Indonesian womanhood during the Orde Baru (New Order; 1966-1998). In doing so, it discusses these images as manifested in the Indonesian constitution, governmental organizations such as such as 'Dharma Wanita' and 'Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga' (PKK), school textbooks and 'Televisi Republik Indonesia' (TVRI) dramas. Under the post-1966 Orde Baru, certain images of womanhood were institutionalized under the influence of the state ideology of womanhood ('ibuism') which emphasizes women's roles in the domestic domain. These institutionalized images were propagated largely by governmental organizations such as 'Dharma Wanita' and 'PKK', and even transmitted through educational text-books and mess media such as TVRI. In conclusion, it also points out that since the mid-1990s, other 'discursive' and 'multi-faceted' contemporary images of womanhood have emerged through the mass media in Indonesian society. Consequently, images of Indonesian womanhood were somehow contested by 2000 and beyond. This paper is expected to develop a detailed discussion on the 'means' and 'contents' of the state ideology of womanhood. Therefore, this paper is expected to add a significant contribution to comprehending the institutionalized images of Indonesian womanhood during the Orde Baru regime.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.159-190
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• 2019

This paper aims to examine to the political unconsciousness of social movies that have caused social repercussions in the 2010s, and to study the social imagination of Korean films at that time. Korean Movies such as (2013), <1987>(2017) and (2017) reflect the ethos of civil society based on common sense and justice. The epic structure was the same as that of ordinary citizens, who move toward a public space (court, square) after awakening their political correctness. More than anything else, the fact that such films were based on "a historical fact" could have been a strategy to avoid censorship in the era of the blacklist. In these social films, courts and squares have become places for democracy. The conservative government of the time was tired of anti-government resistance and the politics of the square. Thus, films from directors and producers blacklisted were difficult to produce. That's why the court in the movie during this period could become a symbolic proxy for the "legitimate" reenactment of the politics of the square, which was subject to censorship and avoidance by the regime of the time. Meanwhile, the square has gradually become the main venue for political films that advocate "historic true stories." The square of the 1980s, which appeared in the movies, will be connected to the Gwanghwamun candlelight square that audiences experienced in 2017. Furthermore, it was able to reach the concept of an abstract square as an "open space for democracy." At the foundation of these works is a psychological framework that equates the trauma of the failed democratic movement of the 1980s to the trauma of the failed progressive movement of the 2010s. Through this study, we were able to see that social political films in the 2010s were quite successful, emphasizing "political correctness" and constitutional common sense. But they also had limitations as "de-political popular films" that failed to show imagination beyond the censorship of the blacklist era.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.389-418
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• 2020

Some OECD countries are showing signs of decoupling in the transportation sector. In terms of sustainable development, the decoupling of economic activities and greenhouse gas emissions in the transportation sector is very important. This study calculated a decoupling index of greenhouse gas emissions in the transportation sector for 25 OECD countries. Also this study analyzed the impact of energy transition on decoupling regimes. According to the analysis, a considerable number of countries have reached the decoupling phase, and some countries have shown strong decoupling regime in which greenhouse gas emissions are reduced despite economic growth. From ordered panel logit analysis, energy transition had significant impact on achieving decoupling phase. Electrification of transport had a positive effect on the decoupling, while the gasification was not significant. In addition, small traffic, high urbanization rates, strong environmental policies, and high trade opening have had significant effects on achieving decoupling.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.281-296
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• 2017

Andrei Amalrik's plays are a unique phenomenon in the 70 years' history of Soviet drama. Half a century after the Soviet theater had intentionally forgotten its own achievements of avant-garde dramaturgy in the early 20th century, his bizarre plays suddenly emerged in the Soviet theater environment, completely separated from contemporary Western practices of the experimental theater. Surprisingly even now, Amalrik's plays have almost been forgotten not only in Russia but also by foreign Russian literary scholars. Amalrik's autobiographical essay is his only book published in Russia after the collapse of the Soviet regime. There is no collection of his works, and reevaluation of his work is not found even in Russia. However, Amalrik is a writer who should get a proper evaluation. The purpose behind studying his plays is to restore the tradition of Russian grotesque-absurd dramaturgy, which has been inherited from Gogol, Khlevnikov, Mayakovsky, and Oberiu. In this paper, we will analyze the mechanism of composition in Amalrik's plays.