• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.46
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• pp.195-237
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• 2014

Palsapum are ornaments to reveal the purpose of commander of three naval forces as well as symbols to remember the greatness of admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. In 1966, ther were designated as a treasure No. 440 based on their value; however, they have not received attention from academia because they are relics from China. This study compares and analyzes the document, paintings, and relevant references from Korea and China focusing on Palsapum, understands their formal characteristics, and examines their historical value such as years and location of creation. As a result, the study determines five of them are original, but three of them were newly created by the later generations. The five, Dodogin (都督印, Commander's seal)·Yeongpae (令牌, Commander's tablet)·Gwido (鬼刀, Replica of the devil sword)·Chamdo (斬刀, Replica of the decapitation swor d)·and Gognapal (bugle) were created by Ming Dynasty before 1598, and delivered by the hands of General Chen Lin. The other three, Dokjeongi (督戰 旗, Battle flag)·Hongsoryeonggi (紅小令旗, Commander's flag)·and Namsoryeonggi (藍小令旗, Commander's flag), were created in 19th century by Joseon Dynasty. After analysis on the former relics, the study determines that they are not official relics with the dignity of Ming Dynasty but personal relics with regional characteristics; in other words, Palsamun are not the royal gifts from Emperor Shenzong to Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. but personal momentoes left by General Chen Lin in the Tongjeyoung to celebrate the admiral. The names, variety, numbers, and appurtenances of Palsapum have been changed with time as follows. First, the scholars of Jeseon in 17the century only focused on Dodogin. It was certainly created in Ming Dynasty; however, it was a personal stamp, so considered to be not from the emperor but from General Chen Lin. Second, Palsapum was called Palsamul and consisted of 14 pieces of 8 kinds in 18the century, ; it is confirmed on the 「Dosul(圖說, stories with pictures of」 『Yi Chungmugong Literary Collection』 The sizes of five relics including Dodogin are similar to the records, but their patterns and shapes are exotic, or cannot be found in Joseon. Thus, they reflect the regional characteristics of Guangdong province. Third, they were called Palsapum, and consisted on 15 pieces of 8 kinds in 19th century; it is confirmed on , a sixteen-fold folding screen drawn by Shin, Gwan-Ho in 1861. The stamp box, tablet bag, and three flags were newly created to engrave Joseon style letters and patterns on damageable materials such as leather and cloth. The relics easy to be destroyed have been renewed even after 19th century. Last, there are many misunderstandings about Palsapum by governmental indifference and improper management of records even though they were designated as a treasure in very early times. Thus, authorities should be concerned with Palsapum to provide the measures for stable maintenance of the relics; this will let people remember not only the history of cooperation between Korea and China to stop the Japanese ambition, but also Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin and General Chen Lin to bring victory in Japanese invasions of Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.152-171
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• 2009

The Dancheong(丹靑) of the main building of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple(美黃寺) in Haenam(海南) is the leading work of the Jeolla Dancheong style, which was created in the 18th century and has been passed down to the early modern days, and boasts its excellence and originality. On the outside, one can only see the traces of the Dancheong due to the colors that fell off and deteriorated severely. On the inside, however, the general Dancheong pattern is accompanied by the painting of 1,000 Buddhas(千佛圖), which is hardly found in other Buddhist temples, and the Arahan painting, which is truly magnificent in technique and can pass as an independent painting. The Dancheong also has unique methodological characteristics that can't be found in other Dancheong works such as the painting and attaching technique. The Dancheong inside is estimated to have been created in 1754 considering the records of "Dalmasan Mihwangsasa Daebeopdang Jungsusangryangmun(達摩山美黃寺大法堂重修上樑文)", the calligraphical writings of "Mudeungsanindanhwakya(無等山人丹?也)"and "Geonryungshipgu(乾隆十九)" left in the Jungryang, and the style characteristics reflected in the Dancheong patterns and the painting of 1,000 Buddhas. The fact that there are no traces of re-Dancheong also supports the estimation that the Dancheong was created in the absolute age of 1754. The absolute age will be the reference of deciding the chronological years of Dancheong patterns and be helpful in examining the characteristics and changes by the periods. There were certain style characteristics in Dancheong by the periods and regions. The Dancheong of Jeolla region also had its own style, which includes the tendency of finishing with two- or three-fold green belts without giving meokdanggi to the meoricho and the huge jar decoration of huigol. Treating the baetbadak of all materials, whether it's Geumdancheong or morodancheong, with lines of certain thickness and colors is another style of Jeolla Dancheong from the 18th to the 20th century. The Dancheong of the Geukrakbojeon(極樂寶殿) of Cheoneunsa Buddhist Temple and Daewoongbojeon(大雄寶殿) of Naesosa Buddhist Temple in Jeolla is especially noteworthy in that it bears similar patterns and techniques to that of the main building of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple in addition to the characteristics mentioned above. The Dancheong of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple must have exerted so great influences on that of the two temples that it's called "the style of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple."When adopting a broader point of view, it can be classified as one of the Dancheong styles of Jeolla. The common icons and techniques found in the Dancheong of Mihwangsa, Cheoneunsa, and Naesosa Buddhist Temple provide some clues about the influential relationships among painters of the days. They may have been created by the painters of the same school or the painters affected by those who created the Dancheong of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.5-38
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• 2003

The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.51 no.7
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• pp.111-121
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• 2001

The purpose of this study was to investigate the historical changes, and analyze functions and characteristics of western men's underclothes in the second half of the 20C. This study will examine how the social backgrounds influenced on the changes of the functions of men's underclothes and how the changes of outer garments were reflected on underclothes in the second half of the 20C. In the early, the second half of the 20C, underwears of functions was continued to cleanliness and comforts. In the later of the 20C, underwears came to be seen as expressing male sexual power when it became body-conscious. By the changes of outer garments. underclothes changed the same size of proportion. In the late 1960's, the turtleneck type of shirts were copied by outer garments, and we understand that underwear can influence on outer garments. The ruffles of the 18th century reappeared in the 1960's. This reactionism of the late 20C tells us about the relation between social environments and underwear. So the social backgrounds influenced on the formativeness of men's underclothes. We understand that underwear can influence on outer garments and outer garments can influence on underwear, too. The important characteristics of the second half of the 20C were the remarkable resemblance of some styles to those of the Past and the occasional blurring of the distinction between underwear and outerwear.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.65-76
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• 2001

The study background is that Mo-Jung happens as the produce of the agricultural society but it is not easy to find it beside Ho-nam area. Because of this, it results construction has. The study progress is to understand the happening time, and regional cause the Mo-Jung construction has. The study progress is to understand the happening time of Mo-Jung, constructional meaning, and the meaning of Mo-Jung with the investigation method of literature consideration of the village society, data of the existing study, survey investigation, interview, and question through the process of analyzing the characteristics of differentiation of the village and Dure organization. 1. Mo-Jung construction has the meaning of vernacular construction reflecting the meaning of village community intensively as an element comprising the village, and the territory of Mo-Jung space is revealed as the male space. 2. The economic wealth of the village community and the image reflecting the community sense are stood out. 3. It is the reason why Mo-Jung construction is limited to Ho-nam area and is explained as the life style difference each village community has, the regional characteristic difference Dae-dong play of Yong.Ho-nam areas have, etc. so to speak. 4. It is estimated that the happening time of Mo-Jung is after the 18th century when the agricultural As my suggestion, Mo-Jung construction is the construction phenomenon reflecting the phenomenon of social change directly and it is to suggest the possibility of approaching the regional housing construction as the life style difference the life community of each area has is reflected. production quantity was increased and Dure organization was activated.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.63-91
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• 2005

This paper analyzes the case records of a herbalist En Su-ryong who lived at the Kochang area of Chollapukdo province in the 19th century. The records, which were included in his collection of works, Tantojip(呑吐集), were consisted of 11 clinical diagnosis and prescriptions. The result of the analysis is as follows. First, En Su-ryong's records are estimated to be valuable enough to contribute to the development of the Korean clinical medicine, in light of the fact that the present established prescriptions or medical theory came from the repetition of trial and error by many herb doctors. Second, his case records are unique in the style of writing, because they were consisted of only his own clinical diagnosis and prescriptions case by case, while those of ordinary herbalists were classified by the types of the symptoms of a disease, with their prescriptions modified from the past established. Third, in the records he minutely wrote not only the names and the addresses of the patients under his care, but also the names of the diseases, the progress and the contents of his treatment, and even the perfect cure or not. Therefore, his case records are appreciated to be very important from the standpoint of the history of the society.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.379-392
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• 1994

One of the historical origins of the modern science education was investigated in this paper. From the view point of the pansophistic educational philosophy which emphasized "man should teach completely all things to all mankind(Omnes, Omnia, omnino)", J.A.Comenius proposed in his book "Didactica magna"(1658) that 'physica' should be learned as one of the most important school subjects. He suggested the completion of human being as a wholeness of the universe could be achieved through the physics teaching. His ideas of science education was, however, directed not to the 'rational konwledge' about the natural world, but to the 'divine wisdom'. His main thoughts and influences on science education can be summarized as follows: 1) The human being as a God's image should know the divinely created nature, because the invisible God's existence can be sensorially recognized in the nature. 2) Physics or science should be regarded as more important objects than verbal learning in general school education. 3) The cognitive union between the words('representative' or 'das Dargestellte') and things('presentative' or 'das Dargebotene') can be achieved through the objects lesson ('Anschauungsunterricht') 4) The realistic and sensor-cognitive learning theory of the object lesson is yet very important especially in the science education of elementary school, even though the inquiry learning process has became more important in the last years. 5) The religious aspect of his idea could not satisfy the social needs of industrialization and the development of professonal technics in the 18 to 19th century.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.47-56
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• 2009

This research aims to analyze the characteristics of the architectural space of Rem Koolhaas based on the spatial discourse of Gilles Deleuze, a philosopher of post-structuralism which comprehends pluralism accepting even contingency and uncertainty beyond deterministic attitudes of structuralism that has led the western discourses since the 19th century. First of all, this research will reflect on Deleuze's spatial concept through literatures and extract the characteristics related to architectural spaces. Then, on the basis of these characteristics, it will analyze the characteristics which were applied to the interior space of the recent architectural works of Rem Koolhaas to find out how Deleuze's spatial dicourse was embodied. Among Deleuze's speculations, the characteristics which falls under the spatial discourse were classified into three categories; degree between the striated space and the smooth one, the space of events and singularity, and the space of the multiple sense. These analysis words are used to look into the correlations among the specific practicing methods embodied in the architecture of Kookhaas. In conclusion, in the architectural space of Rem Koolhaas, it was found that the characteristics of Gilles Deleuze's spatial discourse of post-structuralism were embodied by the methods such as (1) Space of continuous transition, (2) Space of the $multiplicit{\acute{e}}$ accepting contingent events, (3) Space of the multiple sense, and (4) Space of movement.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.113-149
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• 1997

This paper, searching for the origin of the science and technology policy, is one of the research series on the original form of current S&T policy such as origin, evolution and changing patterns. Without understanding the origin, it is very difficult to understand the evolution and the current change of the policy. To answer this question, 2 kinds of conditions are set: 4 concepts for the origin of a policy and also 4 conditions for the S&T policy itself. As the origin of a policy, 4 concepts are set such as independence, continuance, diffusion and modern state as a policy body. Also as conditions for S&T policy, there may be 4 conditions such as policy targets, policy functions, administration body and the usage of the name of the policy. S&T can be distinguished as science, technology and S&T along it's development path. There, hence, are 2 origins of science and technology policy. French policy for modern science at the late 18th century and the establishment of the Agency of Science and Technology Policy of Japan in 1956 can be pointed out as the origin of the policy. The former can be called as the origin for natural science, and the latter as the origin for S&T. This study implies that new paradigm of S&T policy is a reflection for both the needs of new S&T and social needs. When there were big problems in a society and when there appeared new S&T, they exploited new S&T vigorously. This has been remained as a rememberable monuments in the history of the S&T policy.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.55-72
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• 2012

There is a temple drawing called Monk Daegwak's Joongchanggundo at Seon-Am Temple of which the time of creation is unknown. This drawing shows the details of Seon-Am Temple and surrounding areas well, which helps to understand the construction of Seon-Am Temple and other small mountain temples. The records on the top also describe the surrounding landscape in the Fengshui aspect, and describes the number of buildings at Seon-Am Temple. According to the construction style that gives clues about the age of this drawing, the time range can be narrowed down in order to approximate the age of this drawing through the Buddhist trends of Seon-Am Temple. In the results, it was estimated that the drawing dates back to the time when Seon-Am Temple flourished in the mid-18th Century as it's competition with the temple of Songgwang actually began. Buddhism considers the relationship between teacher and student as the most important and the principals were delivered through this relationship. Therefore, the activities to increase the connection between monks and this drawing were created in order to indicate the atmosphere of the Seon-Am Temple of the time.