• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.33-56
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• 2015

Trauma studies have provided useful models for dealing with the catastrophic and disastrous events that an individual and collective group experience. Most important of all, the perspective of post-structuralist trauma study, including Cathy Caruth, became a paradigmatic model and it has been applied to almost all contexts of life. The perspective of this study model, which is called an "event-based model of trauma," focuses on the literal registration of the traumatic event and the accurate and immediate recall of the past. The person directly involved in the event becomes the passive bearer transmitting the truth of a traumatic event. From this perspective, the traumatic subject only undergoes and endures the event and cannot play an active role in constructing trauma and dealing with it. Eventually, the truth of trauma has to be obtained at the cost of the traumatic subject's autonomy and the possibility of his/her agency. The problem here is that the truth, which is reencountered through the literal return of the past, obtained at the cost of the subject's autonomy, strikes a rather fatal blow to the person, than gives help for resolving many of matters surrounding traumatic experience and curing trauma. This suggests that the active way of dealing with trauma on the part of the traumatic subject, rather than the traumatic event itself, is demanded. Furthermore, because more recently, images of disastrous events were viewed "live" by audiences and an immediacy to the event is replicated in public discourse about them, the event becomes more immediately traumatic and there is a more strong presumption that people regard themselves as traumatic victims than before. This is the reason that we must explore an active way dealing with trauma on more human position at this time. This essay aims to examine the limits of the paradigmatic model of trauma study, an "event-based model of trauma," critically through a literary, theoretical text in which it reveals how the literal return of the traumatic past have a fatal effect on the victim; and hopes to suggest "the narrative memory" as a way to deal with trauma from a more humanistic perspective.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.91-113
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• 2001

History always be re-interpreted as the time flows. 'The Sillok', Which was registered in Memory of World of UNESCO in 1997, is comprehensive documents of the Chosun Dynasty, which had been compiled after kings' death, The Sillok encompasses 473 years of the reign in their 848 volumes(1,893 chapters). It was a history itself and has been main source in studying Korean history. Due to the rise of studies on the Sillok, time has come to explore the nature of the Sillok and to criticize the text, which would be called 'The Sillok-Study'. In this context, this paper examined three concepts that categorize the nature of the Sillok as historical materials ;Is it book or record?; The Sillok in register system in pre-modern society; And the Sillok as the National Archives. Korean historians, including myself, haven't yet examined the question whether the Sillok is the Book or Record in terms of archival science. At first, I regarded it as history book, and with this presupposition, wrote several papers on the characteristics of the Sillok. However, I recognized that the Sillok are close to record rather that history book as I examined the definition of glossary of librarian study, OED (Oxford English Dictionary) and Encyclopedia of Britannica, etc. Definitely, the Sillok was neither compiled and published to be read and sold publicly, nor meant to the works of literature or scholarship. one may say that the court-historians wrote comments on the facts and therefore it was just scholarly work. However, because the court-historians produced their comments on their own businesses, the outcome of 'their scholarly works' were also records conceptually, as were daily court-journalists in Rome. Its publication also had a absolutely different meaning from that of modern society. It was a method to preserve the important national records and distributed each edition of them to plural repositories for its safety and security. How can we explain its book-like shape and the procedure of compilation after a kings' death. The answer is as follows ; In pre-modern society, it was a common record-keeping system in the world to register records materials in order to arrange the materials of different sizes and to store them conveniently. And the lack of scientific preservation or conservation skill also encouraged them to register original records. Actually, the court-historians who participated in the compiling process called themselves "registering officers". On the other hand, similar to social hierarchy, there was a hierarchical system of records, and the Sillok was placed at the top of this hierarchy. In conclusion, the Sillok was a kind of registered records in the middle ages and the supreme records in the records-world. In addition to this we can also conceptualize the Sillok as archives. Through the compiling process, the most important and valuable records were selected to be the parts of Sillok. This process corresponds to the modem records appraisal. In the next step, it was preserved in the Four Archives(史庫) which located at remote site as archives and only accessible by the descendents in the future, who might be the people of the next dynasty. And nobody could access or read the documents at that time except the authorized court-historians who were archivists of the Chosun Dynasty. From this perspective, I conclude that Sillok was the supreme confidential archives in the register system. I work for the Government Archives as a historian and archivist. Whenever I entered the exhibition hall of the Government Archives and Records Service(GARS) and saw the replica of the Archives of Taebeak Mountain built during Chosun period, I always asked to myself a question whether the Sillok can be a symbol of the archival tradition of Korea and the GARS. Now, I can say, 'Yes!' definitely.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.126
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• pp.263-293
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• 2013

Die vorliegende Abhandlung beachtet die methodologische $N{\ddot{u}}tzlichkeit$ der Dialektik $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die philosophische $Wissenschaftst{\ddot{a}}tigkeit$ des Aristoteles in einer besonderen Aufmerksamkeit auf den Begriff "${\delta}{\iota}{\alpha}{\pi}o{\rho}{\varepsilon}{\iota}{\nu}$". Bei Aristoteles bedeutet "${\delta}{\iota}{\alpha}{\pi}o{\rho}{\varepsilon}{\iota}{\nu}$" 'das durchaus $gr{\ddot{u}}ndliche$ Untersuchen einer Aporie', und eine solche Untersuchungsweise folgt der Dialektik. Deshalb beabsichtige ich zuerst, durch eine Begriffsanalyse und - interpretation von "${\delta}{\iota}{\alpha}{\pi}o{\rho}{\varepsilon}{\iota}{\nu}$" die dialektische Aporetik zu bestimmen als eine Argumentationsmethode nicht nur in einer dialogischen, sondern auch in einer nicht-dialogischen Situation. Besonders will ich einen methodologischen Grund $daf{\ddot{u}}r$ suchen, dass ein allein Forschender in der nicht-dialogischen Situation die dialektische Aporetik verwendet, indem ich einen Text von "De caelo" II 13, 294b 6~13 interpretiere. $N{\ddot{a}}mlich$ betont Aristoteles in Bezug auf den Durchgang der $Wissenschaftst{\ddot{a}}tigkeit$ eine Forderung der selbstkritischen Haltung, die der allein Forschende sich selbst seine Untersuchung in $R{\ddot{u}}cksicht$ auf die anderen Untersuchungen und auch auf die vorhersehbaren Hypothesen ${\ddot{u}}berpr{\ddot{u}}fen$ und verifizieren, um die aus seiner Untersuchung zu entdeckenden Aporien auf die dialektische Weise zu $l{\ddot{o}}sen$. Und diese Position von Aristoteles kann der wichtige Grund $daf{\ddot{u}}r$ sein, den fachsprachlichen Sinn von "${\delta}{\iota}{\alpha}{\pi}o{\rho}{\varepsilon}{\iota}{\nu}$" als auch den wissenschaftlichen Sinn der dialektischen Untersuchung der Aporie richtig verstehen und $erkl{\ddot{a}}ren$ zu $k{\ddot{o}}nnen$. Zuletzt bin ich in der Absicht, die dialektische Aporetik und ihre Funktion in drei Modeln zu formulieren und einige Beispiele $f{\ddot{u}}r$ jedes Model vorzustellen, um zu zeigen, auf welche Art und Weise Aristoteles die dialektische Aporetik $f{\ddot{u}}r$ den Lauf seiner Theoriebildung in der Tat anwendet. Durch solchen Versuch $w{\ddot{u}}nsche$ ich, dass meine Untersuchung ${\ddot{u}}ber$ die dialektische Aporetik etwas besseres $Verst{\ddot{a}}ndnis$ $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die wissenschaftliche Bedeutung der aristotelischen Dialektik anbieten $k{\ddot{o}}nnte$, und auch dass diese Studie als bedeutsame Basisdaten zu einer noch tieferen Forschung und $Verst{\ddot{a}}ndigung$ ${\ddot{u}}ber$ die philosophische Haltung und Methode des Aristoteles betrachtet werden $k{\ddot{o}}nnte$.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.199-232
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• 2018

There are increasing needs for understanding and fathoming of business management environment through big data analysis at industrial and corporative level. The research using the company disclosure information, which is comprehensively covering the business performance and the future plan of the company, is getting attention. However, there is limited research on developing applicable analytical models leveraging such corporate disclosure data due to its unstructured nature. This study proposes a text-mining-based analytical model for industrial and firm level analyses using publicly available company disclousre data. Specifically, we apply LDA topic model and word2vec word embedding model on the U.S. SEC data from the publicly listed firms and analyze the trends of business topics at the industrial and corporate levels. Using LDA topic modeling based on SEC EDGAR 10-K document, whole industrial management topics are figured out. For comparison of different pattern of industries' topic trend, software and hardware industries are compared in recent 20 years. Also, the changes of management subject at firm level are observed with comparison of two companies in software industry. The changes of topic trends provides lens for identifying decreasing and growing management subjects at industrial and firm level. Mapping companies and products(or services) based on dimension reduction after using word2vec word embedding model and principal component analysis of 10-K document at firm level in software industry, companies and products(services) that have similar management subjects are identified and also their changes in decades. For suggesting methodology to develop analysis model based on public management data at industrial and corporate level, there may be contributions in terms of making ground of practical methodology to identifying changes of managements subjects. However, there are required further researches to provide microscopic analytical model with regard to relation of technology management strategy between management performance in case of related to various pattern of management topics as of frequent changes of management subject or their momentum. Also more studies are needed for developing competitive context analysis model with product(service)-portfolios between firms.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.169-197
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to present a reasonable and concrete standard for the Korean aviation insurance compulsory subscription system. Through this, we aim to improve the current revision of laws and regulations, and ultimately create an environment in which the safety and property of the Korean people who use aircraft with appropriate aviation insurance can be secured. In particular, by reviewing the aviation business law and its new laws and regulations enacted in 2017, the legislative improvement direction of aviation insurance will be proposed. In order to maintain the continuous growth of the air transportation industry and to make amicable compensation for the victims, considering the characteristics of the total accident, instantness, and giganticness of air accidents in which a lot of people and property are lost in the event of an accident, adequate insurance coverage is essential. In this respect, the compulsory insurance to amend the principle of freedom of contract, which is the great principle of the modern judicial system, will be persuasive. However, in comparison with foreign legislation, the legal provisions on Korea's obligation to comply with aviation insurance need to be revised around the following issues: First, it is reasonable to enforce the regulation of the mandatory aviation insurance by legislation from the Congress not by administrative regulations. Because it will force the monetary obligations of the individual such as common air carriers. Second, our law regulations respond to various kinds of air damages by using the phrase "limit of liability stipulated in international conventions". However, as we have seen in the text, the range of compensation are various according to the use of legal instruments in international conventions such as the Montreal Convention, which governs the compensation of passengers for damages to passengers today. Third, in countries with narrow territories, such as Korea, there are big differences in flying time and insurable risk between domestic and international transportation. Therefore, it is necessary to divide domestic transportation and international transportation even in the obligation to join the insurance. This dual discipline has the advantage for rookies in air carrier market who mainly start their business from domestic service. Fourth, according to Korean law, the regulations of automobile loss insurance is applicable to the aviation mandatory insurance of unmanned aerial vehicle accident which is lack of persuasion. In the future, it will be appropriate to discipline insurance for unmanned aerial vehicles with unlimited potential for development from a long-term perspective.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.78-88
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• 2021

Objectives: This study aimed to investigate health risk awareness pertaining to fine dust exposure and the use of face masks in farmers, as well as their attitude toward education regarding fine dust-related respiratory disease prevention. Methods: In total, 295 farmers were interviewed in a survey using a structured questionnaire to obtain data on general characteristics, farming-related characteristics, health risk awareness pertaining to fine dust exposure, attitude toward education on fine dust-related respiratory disease prevention and the use of face masks. This study was analyzed the correlation between the perceived susceptibility to fine dust exposure and willingness to participate in education on fine dust-related respiratory disease prevention. Results: The mean score for perceived susceptibility to fine dust exposure was 3.8 (out of 5), and the participants were highly willing to receive education on fine dust-related respiratory disease prevention. In Multiple response analysis of reactions to exposure to fine dust generated during work, 221 participants responded that they practiced at least one preventive action; participants gave a positive response to "wearing masks" (56.1%), "personal hygiene, such as hand washing." (52.9%). In terms of education methods, 94 (33.6%) participants preferred to learn online or via text messages. Conclusions: The significant correlation between the perceived susceptibility to fine dust exposure and willingness to participate in education on fine dust-related respiratory disease prevention shows the importance of promoting education on prevention. The results of this study can help understand as reference for education on fine dust-related respiratory disease prevention.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.52-62
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• 2011

By studying the classic poetry and prose with a theme of Plantain, I would like to study why Plantain has been planted in our traditional garden for a long time. Also, through this study, I want to find when Plantain was introduced to in our country. We use description study method for studying the classic poetry and prose with a theme of Plantain. As a result, we found a few things like below. First, the introduction of Plantain to our country traces back to unified Silla in the poetry of Choe Chi Won. Also, Plantain was planted and loved generally as a general garden plant in the middle of Goryeo through poetry and paintings. Second, the meaning of Plantain is like this. 1) It means development and enjoyment of arts of summer because the leaves of Plantain were used for drinking alcohol and writing and poetry instead of papers. 2) In Buddhism, Plantain was thought to awaken 'gong(空)', 'mua(無我)', and 'brevity' of lesson of Buddha by the special shape and the image of falling rain to the leaves. Also, it was used widely in Buddhist temples because of the story of 'Hye ga dan bi(慧可斷臂)'. 3) In Confucianism, it is the emblem of lesson 'a wise man tries to be strong and tries not to stop following to God'(自强不息). 4) The large leaf of Plantain is called 'bongmi(鳳尾)' thanks to the image of likeness with tails of Bongwhang(鳳凰). Third, design use of Plantain is like this. 1) The large leaf of Plantain was used for giving an image of freshness and brightness in the garden in summer. 2) Our ancestor thought 'the sound of falling rain to Plantain'(芭蕉雨聲) as a picturesque sound in summer. Also, Plantain was highly utilized because our ancestor thought Plantain is the best plant for implementing 'soundscape'. Thus, the most characteristic use of several design uses is 'acoustic use'. 3) Plantain was also planted in a indoor pot for viewing. 4) Plantain was used for making food and medicine in the palace and private house as a practical use. The limit of this study is that I mainly use the text translated into Korean of database of overall Korean classics. We hope the new things related to this study would be added up to this study by translating original texts into Korean more.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.224-238
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• 2019

In commemoration of the 1,100th anniversary of the foundation of the Goryeo Dynasty, the National Museum of Korea and the National Institute of Korean History are working together on a project to reveal memorial inscriptions(墓誌銘) in the Goryeo Dynasty. So far, It founded that four newly identified memorial inscriptions of Goryeo Dynasty. Among them, I would like to introduce two memorial inscriptions in overseas and a memory inscription that was first identified as being housed in the National Museum of Korea. Kim Yong Sik's memorial inscription is currently housed at the Smithsonian Museum's FreerSackler Gallery in the U.S.A.. Kim Yong Sik(金龍軾, 1129~1197) is a bureaucrat in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. He came from a family of influential people in the Andong province. In Goryeo times, provincial figures have been able to make inroads into central politics through the bureaucratic select examination(科擧). Kim's family came from the capital of Goryeo in that way. However, Kim did not rise very high. This inscription is meaningful in that it shows this ordinary middle class's life to study Goryeo history further. Sangdanghyeongoon(上黨縣君) Gwak Ssi's memorial inscription is currently housed at the Kyoto university museum in the Japan. Sangdanghyeongoon Gwak Ssi(郭氏(Mrs. Gwak), ?~1149?) is a bureaucrat class woman in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. There is not much information about her. But the method of marking the location of the her tomb is unique. Her tomb is located at the northern foot of the temple, Baekhaksa(白鶴寺, White Crane's temple). That marking method is sometimes confirmed in Goryeo period's historical text. This inscription is significant in that it shows practical example of that methods. Min Su's memorial inscription is missing after Japanese occupation time, but confirmed that currently housed in the National Museum of Korea. Min Su(閔脩, 1067~1122) is a bureaucrat in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. Although his track record is partly recorded in Goryeosa(高麗史, Historia of Goryeo Dynasty), the discovery of this inscription has made new research possible. I hope that more and more memory inscription of Goryeo will emerge from somewhere and contribute greatly to the study of Goryeo history.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.315-353
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• 2017

This study examined the music policies of the three kings, Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo, who were in power for about 200 years from the late 15th century to the early 17th century. These three kings deserve attention in musical history for different reasons. Sungjong published "Gugjooryeui"(1474), "Gyeong-gugdaejeon"(1476), and "Aghaggwebeom"(1493), the typical etiquette books, law books, and musical books that take the most important position in the history of Joseon, so his direction of music policy deserves attention. Jungjong was the king who rose to the throne after there was a revolt against Yeonsangun's tyranny. Injo ascended to the throne by starting a military coup d'etat himself. One may wonder how the aspect of music policies developed by a king, who was crowned by a revolt, is different from other cases. As each of these three kings had different background of enthronement and the contents of music policies in the royal family also developed with different emphasis, this study examined each aspect separately. Sungjong emphasized the importance of music and regarded it important to cultivate officials who know music. To this end, he gave a special order to Yejo(the office of protocol) and this study tried to clarify the contents first. In addition, this study examined the process, contents, and meaning of various modification works related to the revision of the lyrics used in the ceremonies. Jungjong supplemented the institutional aspects of music. This is the result of expressing the will to correct the anomalous and reckless music policies of the period of Yeonsangun. In addition, many words in the lyrics had been about Buddhist doctrines and love songs between male and female, so there were efforts to reform these. As for the period of Injo, this study examined the music policies that were made in the process of resolving the crisis after the war. It was a time when court musicians were scattered after two times of war and it was not possible to hold the national ritual properly, so music policies in this period were different from the ones in stable era. This study covered discussions on the measures to collect lost instruments and scattered musicians. It also looked at how the restoration effort was made in the situation that the music used in ancestral rites was abolished.