• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.6
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• pp.899-920
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine and better understand student's perception of territory in the deterritorialized world. Students' sketch maps were analyzed to investigate the way of which they recognized the form of national territory, border, geographic location, and neighboring countries. In addition, students' values, attitudes, and affection for their homeland and other countries were observed through the awareness of North Korea, DMZ, and Dok-do island. Scrutinizing students' sketch maps and follow-up interviews provided much more in-depth context for understanding students' narratives about territorial identity than did the analysis of structured surveys since they can freely draw and sketch their cognition. A qualitative data analysis builded a code list with 67 codes generated from 626 quotations. These data were exported to CSV format to elicit and evaluate differential variances of territorial identity along with student's Social Studies score and Grade Point Average for inferential statistics and quantitative data analysis using SPSS. Based on the results of data analysis and discussion, some suggestions to build a model of territorial education and to develop teaching and learning materials in the domain of geography education were provided.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.147-161
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• 2013

This paper aims to examine the background, process, and characteristics of the territorial reform of local governments in West Germany (the Federal Republic of Germany) in the 1960s and 70s. During this period the territorial structure and function of municipality (Gemeinde), county (Kreis) and county-free town (Kreisfreie Stadt) as local governments were fundamentally reformed. The territorial reform of local governments paid special attention to merge the small-sized municipalities and to create the joint authorities in order to build the system of central localities. There had been criticism on the uniform boundary delimitation, confusion of regional identity, erosion of local autonomy and emphasis on the regional planning. But the territorial reform of the period has contributed to improve the performance of public administration and to strengthen the service delivery and planning capacity.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.599-619
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• 2008

Korean peninsula has a long history and a geopolitical location as a buffer tone, which has provided the conditions for cultural dynamism and diversity across space and time. The changing processes of place names in Korea is considered to be better suited to the study on cultural politics that is interested in the culture wars over the meaning of culture among different social subjects. In order to ensure the legitimacy of cultural politics for the study of place names in Korea, this study attempts to make a theoretical construction based on the concepts of place identity, territorial contestation, and the politics of scale. Cultural and linguistic theories to be best applied to the study of place names in Korea are the theories on Angehm's and Castells' identity, $P{\hat{e}}cheux's$ identification, Hall's decoding, and Voloshinov's ideological sign. Power relations involved in the inclusion and exclusion are necessarily concerned with the process of constructing a place identity or territorial identity by means of a place name, which represents identity and ideology of a social subject. In the examination of this process, it is necessary to take the elements of identity, ideology and power relations into consideration. In this study, therefore, the politics of scale is experimented for its applicability in the study of place name in Korea, which is expected to accommodate concepts of boundary, territory, territoriality and territorialization. In the end, it is suggested in this study that a series of basic and interdisciplinary studies on the cultural politics of place names in a range of area should be undertaken along with the enough theoretical knowledge of cultural politics.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.332-347
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• 2011

This study is to analyze on territorial education described in geography textbooks in Korea and Japan. The following is the result that shows similarities and differences of the geography textbooks when it comes to territorial education. Korea and Japan have a contrasting territorial background. However, both countries start their territorial education by learning the location and shape of their country. Japanese geography textbooks focus on what people in the world think of Japan, but in case of Korea, the geography textbooks focus on how Koreans look at the world. In short, the territorial education in Japan try to emphasize Japan from the view point of the world. The next common ground is that the two countries provide territorial models in their geography textbooks in order to increase understanding. However, the Japanese students are provided with these territory models much earlier than Korean students and these models help them visualize and solidify their concept of territory. And, the two countries both put great importance on teaching territorial sea. In Japan, they try to include EEZ(Exclusive Economic Zone) in their territory. Considering these facts, it can be concluded that Japan is enlarging their concept of national territory as maritime territory. Lastly, after learning of territory the two countries both treat on territorial problems. But Korea treats passively territorial problem as such Dokdo, but Japan treats actively their territorial problems. Like that, the contents of territorial education described in geography textbooks in Korea and Japan are similar in terms of selection, but differ in quality in terms of organization. Therefore, future territorial education in Korea will be actively and successively done through succession and sequence of geography curriculum.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.483-494
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relation between regional identity and national identity in a regional textbook in Korea. In geography education, regional textbooks are curriculum materials which represent regional identity based on territorial difference from other regions. In local curriculum level, the harmony between national unity and regional identity is to be pursued as educational objective. However, this harmony appears to be distorted in the school textbook in Je-Ju Province, a case region. For example, Confucian cultural landscapes are represented as otherness in regional discourses, but togetherness in the regional textbook. Also, the regional textbook implies that the boundary of external territorialization is mainly not regions but nations, and it seems to intend that leasers get a sense of place towards their region as periphery of nation. Therefore, we argue that regional identity, which must be stressed in a regional textbook, is marginalized in a case region.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.135-150
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• 2018

Ali Bey $H{\ddot{u}}seyinzade$ (1864-1940) was one of the most significant Azerbaijani Turkish intellectuals in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, formulating Azerbaijani national identity around its Turkish, Islamic and territorial dimensions. His solution to the ambiguities of the identity crisis among the Turkic-Muslim people of Azerbaijan was Turkification, Islamization and Europeanization for the Turkic and Muslim peoples of the Caucasus and Ottoman Turkey. Ali Bey $H{\ddot{u}}seyinzade$ was an influential Azerbaijani Turkish intellectual who had a direct impact on Turkish nationalists in the late Ottoman Empire and early Republican Turkey. $H{\ddot{u}}seyinzade^{\prime}s$ formulation of the triple processes of Turkification, Islamization and Europeanization spread among the Azerbaijani and Ottoman Turkish intellectuals in their respective countries. This article aims to discuss the ideas of Ali Bey $H{\ddot{u}}seyinzade$, especially regarding nationality, religion and Westernism and their impact on intellectuals and policy makers in the Caucasus and Turkey. His physical odyssey from Tsarist Russia into the Ottoman Empire is indicative of his ideological proclivities and his subsequent influence on the Turkish-speaking peoples in the two major empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.89-104
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• 2009

Nowadays, a region is mainly constructed by a variety of subjects intentionally. Therefore, it is needed to consider the concept of the region reflecting the standpoint of various related subjects pertinently to understand today's region. Subjectivities, differences, and power relations are representative elements which play important roles in the process of constructing the region. And the inclusive concept of these elements is the tenn of 'regional identity'. The regional identity is constructed through the process of institutionalization, and this process of building identity is the process of constructing the region. The local newspaper is a representative one of the various factors influencing the process of institutionalization and serves as an important clue in understanding the process of constructing the region in Korea. In this point of view, this study also analyzes the standpoint and influence of the various institutions operating in the process of constructing the region through the articles in Hong-Seong Times. According to this study, institutionalization process have proceeded very actively in Nae-po region. But it is likely that institutionalization process have not reached to the stage of constructing region.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.579-597
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• 2008

This article discusses David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly as a suggestive text for examining Western masculinity in crisis in the post-imperialist age, in which territorial imperialism is no longer valid. Previous scholarship on M. Butterfly has centered around the interlocking dynamics of imperialism, racism and sexism. Such critical attentions focus on how Hwang deconstructs racialized significations of the East and the West. In these discussions, the issue of gender is often addressed merely as a trope to represent the power relations between the East and the West. As such, gender as well as sexuality is highlighted as the very source of subversion of the power relations. My discussion departs from a critique of the gendered trope of the East and the West, highlighting a postmodern agent, the allegedly feminized character Song Lining: a Chinese actor who passes for a woman for political purposes in postcolonial China. Remaining an "inappropriate/d other" in the gendered imperialist discourse, Song becomes an emergent subject, who is capable of playing gender ambiguity for reclaiming a devalued identity, that of homosexual Asian man. Discussing how the central character Rene Gallimard's masculine identity is constructed in a cross-cultural space and how it evolves, I also argue that Gallimard's melancholic death signifies a historical unsustainability of imperialist masculinity in the postmodern/postcolonial age since World War II.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.27-56
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• 2013

The United Nations Command (UNC) and the communist North failed to reach an agreement on where the maritime demarcation line should be drawn in the process of signing a truce after the Korean War because of the starkly different positions on the boundary of their territorial waters. As a result, the Armistice Treaty was signed on July 1953 without clarification about the maritime border. In the following month, Commander of the UNC unilaterally declared the Northern Limit Line (NLL) as a complementing measure to the Armistice. Referring to this, North Korea and its followers in South Korea wrongfully argue that the NLL is a "ghost line" that was established not based on the international law. However, one should note that the waters south of the NLL has always been under South Korea's jurisdiction since Korea's independence from Japan on August 15, 1945. There is no need to ask North Korea's approval for declaring the territorial waters that had already been under our sovereign jurisdiction. We do not need North Korea's approval just as we do not need Japan's approval with regard to our sovereign right over Dokdo. The legal status of the NLL may be explained with the following three characteristics. First, the NLL is a de facto maritime borderline that defines the territorial waters under the respective jurisdiction of the two divided countries. Second, the NLL in the West Sea also serves as a de facto military demarcation line at sea that can be likened to the border on the ground. Third, as a contacting line where the sea areas controlled by the two Koreas meet, the NLL is a maritime non-aggression line that was established on the legal basis of the 'acquiescence' element stipulated by the Inter-Korea Basic Agreement (article 11) and the Supplement on the Non-aggression principle (article 10). Particularly from the perspective of the domestic law, the NLL should be understood as a boundary defining areas controlled by temporarily divided states (not two different states) because the problem exists between a legitimate central government (South Korea) and an anti-government group (North Korea). In this sense, the NLL problem should be viewed not in terms of territorial preservation or expansion. Rather, it should be understood as a matter of national identity related to territorial sovereignty and national pride. North Korea's continuous efforts to problematize the NLL may be part of its strategy to nullify the Armistice Treaty. In other words, North Korea tries to take away the basis of the NLL by abrogating the Armistice Treaty and creating a condition in which the United Nations Command can be dissolved. By doing so, North Korea may be able to start the process for the peace treaty with the United States and reestablish a maritime line of its interest. So, North Korea's rationale behind making the NLL a disputed line is to deny the effectiveness of the NLL and ask for the establishment of a new legal boundary. Such an effort should be understood as part of a strategy to make the NLL question a political and military dispute (the similar motivation can be found in Japan's effort to make Dokdo a disputed Island). Therefore, the South Korean government should not accommodate such hidden intentions and strategy of North Korea. The NLL has been the de facto maritime border (that defines our territorial waters) and military demarcation line at sea that we have defended with a lot of sacrifice for the last sixty years. This is the line that our government and the military must defend in the future as we have done so far. Our commitment to the defense of the NLL is not only a matter of national policy protecting territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction; it is also our responsibility for those who were fallen while defending the North-Western Islands and the NLL.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.618-630
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• 2015

This study is to try to find citizenship needed in the age of glocalization and its implication for geography education. With formation of nation-state after modern, the rights and duties are applied to members of a state in a given territory. But Although states grant de jure citizenship, identity as a citizen is increasingly seen as something that is gained beyond and below the state. Citizenship might be conceived as relational rather than absolute, something that is constituted by its connections or network with different people and places rather than something defined by the borders of the nation-state. New space of citizenship has multiple dimension, and is fluid, mobile, multidimensional, transnational, negotiative. Citizenship operates in an increasingly complex web of overlapping spaces, and is reconceptualized as multiple citizenship based on multiscale. Citizenship should now be thought of as multi-level, reflecting individuals simultaneous membership of political communities at a variety of spatial scales and perhaps of non-territorial social groups. Thus, Citizenship education through geography should focus more on interconnected and layered multiple citizenship than bounded national citizenship.