• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 1996.10a
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• pp.390-398
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• 1996

Acoustic analysis study was performed on 20 normal subjects by speaking nonsense syllables composed of Korean bilabial stops(/p, $p^{*}$/, ph/) and their Preceding and/or following vowel /a/(that is, [pa, $p^{*}a$, pha, apa, $ap^{*}a$, apha]) with an ultraminiature pressure sensor in their mouths. Speech materials were phonated twice, once with a moderate voice, another time with a loud voice. The acoustic signal and intraoral pressure were recorded simultaneously on computer. By these procedures, we were to measure the intraoral pressure, closure duration and VOT of Korean bilabial stops, and to compare the values one another according to the intensity of phonation and the position of the target consonants. Intraoral pressure was measured by the peak intraoral pressure value of its wave; closure duration by the time interval between the onset of intraoral pressure build-up and the burst meaning the release of closure; Voice onset time(VOT) by the time interval between the burst and the onset of glottal vibration. Heavily aspirated bilabial stop consonant /ph/ showed the highest intraoral pressure value, unaspirated /p$^{*}$/, the second, slightly aspirated /p/, the lowest. The syllable initial bilabial stops showed higher intraoral pressure than word initial stops, and the value of loudly phonated consonants were higher than moderate consonants. The longest closure duration period was that of /$p^{*}$/ and the shortest, /p/, and the duration was longer in word initial position and in the moderate voice. In VOT, the order of the longest to shortest was /ph/, /p/, /$p^{*}$/, and the value was shorter when the consonant was in intervocalic position and when it was phonated with a loud voice.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Laryngology, Phoniatrics and Logopedics
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.50-55
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• 1996

Acoustic analysis study was performed on 20 normal subjects by speaking nonsense syllables composed of Korean bilabial stops$(/P, P^{\star}, P^{h}/)$ and their preceding and/or following vowel /a/ (that is, $[pa, p^{\star}a, p^{h}a, apa, ap^{\star}a, ap^{h}a]$) with an ultraminiature pressure, sensor. in their mouths. Speech materials were phonated twice, once with a moderate voice, another time with a loud voice. The acoustic signal and intraoral pressure were recorded simultaneously on computer. By these procedures, we were to measure the intraoral pressure, closure duration and VOT of Korean bilabial stops, and to compare the values one another according to the intensity of phonation and the position of the target consonants. Intraoral pressure was measured by the peak intraoral pressure value of Its wave closure duration by the time interval between the onset of intraoral pressure build-up and the burst meaning the release of closure ; Voice onset time(VOT) on by the time interval between the burst and the onset or glottal vibration. Heavily aspirated bilabial stop consonant /$p^h$/ showed the highest intraoral pressure value, unaspirated /$p^{\star}$/, the second, slightly aspirated /P/, the lowest. The syllable initial bilabial stops showed higher intraoral pressure than word initial stops, and the value of loudly phonated consonants were higher than moderate consonants. The longest closure duration period was that of /$p^{\star}$/ and the shortest, /P/, and the duration was longer in word initial position and in the moderate voice. In VOT, the order of the longest to shortest was $/{p^h}/, /p/, /{p^\star}/$, and the value was shorer when the consonant was in intervocalic position and when it was phonated with a loud voice.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 2000.07a
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• pp.86-87
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• 2000

In this paper, we discuss why two different surface forms appear in loanwords for English and German /${\int}$/ In Korean, a vowel is inserted into loanwords if a consonant cannot be properly syllabified. Therefore, /${\int}$/ in some positions of loanwords trigger vowel insertion. Interestingly, /${\int}$/s in the onset cluster of English and German words were borrowed in Korean as Iful with the inserted vowel [u] whereas If Is in the coda position of English and German words were borrowed as Ifil with the inserted vowel [i]. For example, 'shrimp' is adopted as [${\int}urimphi$] whereas 'rush' is adopted as [$ra{\int}i$]. In this paper, we attempt to find out the phonetic reason for the distribution of the surface forms of /${\int}$/. We assume that since the formant frequency of [i] is higher than that of [u], the peak frequency of /${\int}$/ with the surface form of [${\int}$i] in loanwords may be higher than that of /${\int}$/ with the surface form of [${\int}u$]. We also assume that duration may be another factor for the distribution of [${\int}i$] and [${\int}u$]. Since /${\int}$/ and /u/ use lip rounding whereas /i/ doesn't, the duration for [${\int}i$] might be longer than that of [${\int}u$]. German supports our assumption. /${\int}$/ in the onset cluster is longer than /${\int}$/ in the coda position. It also has higher peak frequency than that of /${\int}$/ in the coda position. In loanwords, ${\int}$ in the onset cluster is borrowed as [${\int}u$] as in Spiegel whereas /${\int}$/ in the coda position is borrowed as [${\int}i$] as in Bosch. English, however, does not support our assumption. Peak frequency of [${\int}$] depends on the preceding vowel, not on its position in the syllable structure. If the preceding vowel is front, then the peak freuency of the following of the following /${\int}$/ is high but if the preceding vowel is back, than the peak frequency of the following /${\int}$/ is low. The peak frequency of /${\int}$/ in the onset cluster seems to be in between. As we assumed, however, the duration of /${\int}$/ in the coda position is longer than of /${\int}$/ in the onset cluster. With the mixed results, we question whether Koreans really hear two different xounds for /${\int}$/ in English words. For the future experiment, we would like to perform the perception tet for /${\int}$/ in English words.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.15-23
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• 2020

This study examines the duration of Korean lax and tense stops in the prosodic word-medial position, their interactions with nearby segments, and the phonological implications of these interactions. It first examines the lengthening of consonants at the function of the short lax stop. Experiment 1 shows that the sonorant C1 is significantly longer before a short lax stop C2 than before a long tense stop. Experiment 2 shows that the short lax stop C1 cancels the contrast between the lax and tense obstruent at C2, making them appear as long tense obstruents (Post-Stop Tensing Rule). We suggest that such lengthening phenomena occur in Korean to robustly preserve the contrastive length difference between C and CC. Second, this study examines the vowel shortening, known as Closed-Syllable Vowel Shortening, before a long tense stop or before the consonant sequence. Experiment 3 suggests that it be interpreted as temporal adjustment to make the interval from the onset of a vowel to the onset of the following vowel of near-equal length. Conclusively, we suggest that Korean speech be planned and controlled with two specific intervals. One is the duration of contrastive consonant intervals between vowels, and the other is the duration from the onset of a vowel to the onset of the following vowel.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.30
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• pp.97-124
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• 2013

For a long period, vowel reduction has been accepted as one of the most common pronunciation rules in Russian phonology. However, since the rules have been modified in many ways after the influx of loanwords, [a, e, i, o, u, ${\star}$]-including [e, o]-can now be pronounced in unstressed position, obeying the rule of vowel reduction. Especially in Modern Russian, along with the destruction of the consonant pronunciation norm due to some relatively complex changes it underwent palatalization, consonant pronunciation has been simplified, and as a response to such a phenomenon, the specialization of vowel pronunciation rule is now occurring. In other words, in the interrelation between consonants and vowels, as the pronunciation rules for consonants are simplified and thus the contrast between consonants is weakened, the degree of dependence on pronunciation of segment in the vowel pronunciation rule has been elevated. Therefore, the analysis says that the degree of vowel reduction depends on a vowel's distance from a stressed syllable is not enough; the influence of surrounding phonemes-including consonants-or the formative characteristics of words themselves should also be considered. The introduction of Max-noncorner/UnderLex, a/an Licence constraint that is related to non-declension nouns, and that of IdentC[back] and ShareCV[back], which are faithfulness constraint and share constraint respectively that are related to the nature of consonants stresses that vowel pronunciation rules should not be simply viewed as rules for vowels; The rules should be analyzed with emphasis on their correlation with surrounding phonemes.

• Journal of Music and Human Behavior
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.67-83
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• 2016

This study investigated the tonal characteristics in Korean emotion words by analyzing the pitch patterns transformed from word utterance. Participants were 30 women, ages 19-23. Each participant was instructed to talk about their emotional experiences using 4-syllable target words. A total of 180 utterances were analyzed in terms of the frequency of each syllable using the Praat. The data were transformed into meantones based on the semi-tone scale. When emotion words were used in the middle of a sentence, the pitch pattern was transformed to A3-A3-G3-G3 for '즐거워서(joyful)', C4-D4-B3-A3 for '행복해서(happy)', G3-A3-G3-G3 for '억울해서(resentful)', A3-A3-G3-A3 for '불안해서(anxious)', and C4-C4-A3-G3 for '침울해서(frustrated)'. When the emotion words were used at the end of a sentence, the pitch pattern was transformed to G4-G4-F4-F4 for '즐거워요(joyful)', D4-D4-A3-G3 for '행복해요(happy)', G3-G3-G3-A3 and F3-G3-E3-D3 for '억울해요(resentful)', A3-G3-F3-F3 for '불안해요(anxious)', and A3-A3-F3-F3 for '침울해요(frustrated)'. These results indicate the differences in pitch patterns depending on the conveyed emotions and the position of words in a sentence. This study presents the baseline data on the tonal characteristics of emotion words, thereby suggesting how pitch patterns could be utilized when creating a melody during songwriting for emotional expression.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.12
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• pp.459-466
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• 2009

While Korean allows the same consonants at the coda of the preceding syllable and at the onset of the following syllable, English does not allow the geminate consonants in the same intervocalic position. Due to this difference between Korean and English, Korean learners of English tend to incorrectly produce geminate consonants for English geminate graphemes as in $su\underline{mm}er$. Based on this observation, a pilot study was designed to investigate how Korean learners of English perceive and produce English doubleton graphemes and singleton graphemes. Twenty Korean college students were asked to perform a forced-choice perception test as well as a production test for the 36 real word stimuli which consist of (near) minimal pairs of singleton and doubleton graphemes. The result showed that the accuracy rates for the words with singleton graphemes were higher than those for the words with doubleton graphemes both in perception and production because the subjects misperceived and misproduced the doubleton graphemes as geminates due to orthographic influence. In addition, the low error rates of the word with voiced stops were accounted for by Korean language transfer. Further, spectrographic analyses were provided where more production errors were witnessed in doubleton grapheme words than singleton grapheme words. Finally, pedagogical implications are provided.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.29-40
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• 2019

The paper investigates the minimal pair of Korean phonemes quantitatively. To achieve this goal, I calculated the number of consonant minimal pairs in the syllable-initial position as both raw counts and relative counts, and analyzed the part of speech relations of the two words in the minimal pair. "Urimalsaem" was chosen as the object of this study because it was judged that the minimal pair analysis should be done through a dictionary and it is the largest among Korean dictionaries. The results of the study are summarized as follows. First, there were 153 types of minimal pairs out of 337,135 examples. The ranking of phoneme pairs from highest to lowest was 'ㅅ-ㅈ, ㄱ-ㅅ, ㄱ-ㅈ, ㄱ-ㅂ, ㄱ-ㅎ, ${\ldots}$, ㅆ-ㅋ, ㄸ-ㅋ, ㅉ-ㅋ, ㄹ-ㅃ, ㅃ-ㅋ'. The phonemes that played a major role in the formation of the minimal pair were /ㄱ, ㅅ, ㅈ, ㅂ, ㅊ/, in that order, which showed a high proportion of palatals. The correlation between the raw count of minimal pairs and the relative count of minimal pairs was found to be quite high r=0.937. Second, 87.91% of the minimal pairs shared the part of speech (same syntactic category). The most frequently observed type has been 'noun-noun' pair (70.25%), and 'vowel-vowel' pair (14.77%) was the next ranking. It can be indicated that the minimal pair could be grouped into similar categories in terms of semantics. The results of this study can be useful for various research in Korean linguistics, speech-language pathology, language education, language acquisition, speech synthesis, and artificial intelligence-machine learning as basic data related to Korean phonemes.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 1996.10a
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• pp.521-528
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• 1996

This presentation explores on the perceptual characteristics of the lateral sound /l/ in CV syllables. At initial position we found that /l/ has well marked formant transitions. Then several questions arise: 1) are these formant structures dependent on the following vowel\ulcorner. 2) Are the formant transitions giving an additional cue for the identification\ulcorner Considering that the French vocalic system presents a greater variety of vowels than Spanish, several experiments were designed to verify to what extent a more extensive range of vocalic timbres contribute to the perception of /l/. Natural emissions of /l/ produced in Argentine Spanish and Canadian French CV syllables were recorded, where V was successively /i, e, a, o, u/ for Spanish and /i, e, $\varepsilon$, a, $\alpha$, o, u, y, \phi$/ for French. For each item, the segment C was maintained and V was replaced by cutting & splicing by each of the remaining vowels without transitions. Results of the identification tests for Spanish show that natural /l/ segments with low Fl and high formants F3, F4 can be clearly identified in the /i, e, u/ vowel contexts without transitions. For French subjects the combination of /l/ with a vowel without transitions reflected correct identifications for its own original vowel context in /e, $\varepsilon$, y, $\phi$/. For both languages, in all these combinations, F1 values remained rather steady along the syllable. In the case of /o, u/ very likely the F2 difference lead to a variety of perceptions of the original /l/. For example in Ilul, French subjects reported some identifications of /l/ as a vowel, mainly /y/. Our observations reinforce the importance of F1 as a relevant cue for /l/, and the incidence of the relative distance between formants frequencies of both components.

• The Journal of the Acoustical Society of Korea
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.388-402
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• 2003

In this paper, we carried out the word, 4 continuous digits. continuous, and task-independent word recognition experiments to verify the effectiveness of the re-defined phoneme-likely units (PLUs) for the phonetic decision tree based HM-Net (Hidden Markov Network) context-dependent (CD) acoustic modeling in Korean appropriately. In case of the 48 PLUs, the phonemes /ㅂ/, /ㄷ/, /ㄱ/ are separated by initial sound, medial vowel, final consonant, and the consonants /ㄹ/, /ㅈ/, /ㅎ/ are also separated by initial sound, final consonant according to the position of syllable, word, and sentence, respectively. In this paper. therefore, we re-define the 39 PLUs by unifying the one phoneme in the separated initial sound, medial vowel, and final consonant of the 48 PLUs to construct the CD acoustic models effectively. Through the experimental results using the re-defined 39 PLUs, in word recognition experiments with the context-independent (CI) acoustic models, the 48 PLUs has an average of 7.06%, higher recognition accuracy than the 39 PLUs used. But in the speaker-independent word recognition experiments with the CD acoustic models, the 39 PLUs has an average of 0.61% better recognition accuracy than the 48 PLUs used. In the 4 continuous digits recognition experiments with the liaison phenomena. the 39 PLUs has also an average of 6.55% higher recognition accuracy. And then, in continuous speech recognition experiments, the 39 PLUs has an average of 15.08% better recognition accuracy than the 48 PLUs used too. Finally, though the 48, 39 PLUs have the lower recognition accuracy, the 39 PLUs has an average of 1.17% higher recognition characteristic than the 48 PLUs used in the task-independent word recognition experiments according to the unknown contextual factor. Through the above experiments, we verified the effectiveness of the re-defined 39 PLUs compared to the 48PLUs to construct the CD acoustic models in this paper.