• Maritime Security
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2023

For the last 70 years, the U.S.-led bilateral security system, or "Hub-and-Spokes" system, has been applied to Northeast Asia, and the system has been successfully settled in terms of stability and economic achievements of the region. Given the increasing complexity of the security environment of East Asia, it is plausible to consider the possibility of a security system shift from bilateral alliances to collective security. In order to analyze the driver of collective security system, this study developed three factors of formation and development of collective security system - main threat, intensity of the threat, and confidence among countries in the system - by reviewing international political theories related to security cooperation. Comparing the formation, development, and achievements of NATO and SEATO, the study figures out that the existence of the main threat, the high intensity of the threat, and the strong confidence among countries in the security system are the primary drivers for a successful collective security system. Based on the result, the study also analyzed the possibility of a security system shift in East Asia. Considering contemporary international conflicts such as U.S.-China strategic competition, Russia-Ukraine War, and growing threats posed by North Korean nuclear and missiles, the study anticipates that the necessity of a collective security system that will replace the current security system of the region would arise. Still, although some issues between countries should be overcome, the growing intensity of the threats will promote cooperation among countries by improving their confidence.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.17
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• pp.55-89
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• 2003

What are the international aviation regimes? It is said that they are sets of principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures of international aviation around which aviation actors' (states-actors, intergovernmental aviation organization, international aviation conventions, airlines and their organizations etc.) expectations converge in a given aviation issue-area for the purposes of the human welfare and the operations of the stable civil aviation. In this regards, the purposes of this study are focused on the aviation actors' shifts. Chronologically, international aviation regimes have been developed by some stages as followings; The 1st stage is the period from 1944 Chicago Convention to 1978 US Deregulation Act, when the aviation regulations and rules within the international aviation relations were implemented by Chicago-Bermuda regimes as Christer Jonsson pointed out. In this first stage, the sovereignty for the airspace over their countries is absolute. The second stage is the period from 1978 to '1992 Open Skies Agreement' between US and Netherlands. In this regime, airlines' activities as well as state-actors' have been actuated. The third stage is the period from 1992 to the contemporary. In this stage, airlines' activities for the consumers such as 'Open Skies Agreements', 'e-commerce business', 'airspace open policy within EU area', 'service open policy of WTO', and 'airlines' strategic alliance' are the central focal points in the world aviation relationship. In the conclusion, this phenomenon of the core actors in the international aviation rules has been shifted from the states-actors to the non-states actors especially, operating airlines, or consuming customers. Finally, I' d like to suggest that international aviation regimes should be developed to promote and facilitate the globalized level for the people's movements among the global aviation society. That is the way to proceed to the welfare and peace for all human beings of the World.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.236-261
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• 2014

The future role of nuclear extended deterrence in the security alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea is currently a central concern. The gradually lessening role of reliance on nuclear weapons in US security policies broadly, combined with increasing North Korean nuclear capabilities and belligerence, raise fresh questions about the sufficiency of the "nuclear umbrella" as a pillar of the US-ROK defense posture. This article addresses the current and future role of nuclear extended deterrence in Korea in this dynamic context. The article reviews the longstanding trend toward reducing the overall size of the US nuclear arsenal, and assesses developments in US-ROK outlooks toward extended deterrence in response to the Obama administration's nuclear policies and North Korea's recent smaller-scale aggressions. The analysis finds that the challenges of deterrence credibility and allied reassurance are difficult and long-term. The analysis explains how these challenges emerge less from a shrinking US numerical arsenal size than from the sufficiency of specific nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities to meet emerging smaller-scale threats. The analysis also highlights the importance of broader strategic and political interaction in sustaining allied confidence in any joint security posture. The evaluation concludes that a strong US-ROK alliance relationship can be maintained while the size of the US nuclear arsenal continues to decline, in part because nuclear weapons in any deployment configuration are relatively ineffective means for deterring smaller-scale aggression. Nevertheless, continuing adjustment of the US-ROK extended deterrence posture to the evolving, complex and uncertain Korean peninsula security environment will remain an ongoing challenge. Finally, the article encourages further examination of the potential specific role ROK maritime forces might serve in enhancing deterrence of smaller-scale threats while minimizing risks of conflict escalation.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.58-92
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• 2014

Even after S. Korea took 5.24 Measure(24 May 2014), N. Korea has not stopped raising provocations such as the shelling of Yeonpyeong Island, electronic and cyber attacks. To make matters worse, the communist country lunched long-range missiles(twice) and conducted 3rd nuclear test, escalating tensions which could possibly lead to an all-out war. Korean Government failed to respond properly. However, escalation into an all-out war was deterred by the CFC immediately carrying out its peacetime duty(CODA). The US made a rapid dispatch of its augmentation forces(Aircraft carrier, nuclear-powered submarine, strategic bomber, F-22) to the Korean Peninsula. In recognition of the importance of the Combined Forces Command, since May 2013 the Park Geun-Hye Administration has been pushing ahead with re-postponement of Wartime Operational Control Transfer(which initially meant the disassembling of the CFC as of 1 December 2015) More recently, there has been a series of unusual indicators from the North. Judging from its inventory of 20 nuclear weapons, 1,000 ballistic missiles and biochemical weapons, it is safe to say that N. Korea has gained at least war deterrence against S. Korea. Normally a nation with nuclear weapons shrink its size of conventional forces, but the North is pursuing the opposite, rather increasing them. In addition, there was a change of war plan by N. Korea in 2010, changing 'Conquering the Korean Peninsula' to 'Negotiation after the seizure of the Greater Seoul Metropolitan Area(GSMA)' and establishing detailed plans for wartime projects. The change reflects the chain reaction in which requests from pro-north groups within the South will lead to the proclamation of war. Kim, Jeong-Un, leader of N. Korean regime, sent threatening messages using words such as 'exercising a nuclear preemptive strike right' and 'burning of Seoul'. Nam, Jae-June, Director of National Intelligence Service, stated that Kim, Jung-Un is throwing big talks, saying communization of the entire Korean Peninsula will come within the time frame of 3 years. Kim, Gwan-Jin, Defense Minister, shared an alarming message that there is a high possibility that the North will raise local provocations or a full-fledged war whenever while putting much emphasis on defense posture. As for the response concept of the Korean Government, it has been decided that 'ROK·US Combined Local Provocation Counter-Measure' will be adopted to act against local provocations from the North. Major provocation types include ▲ violation of the Northern Limit Line(NLL) with mobilization of military ships ▲ artillery provocations on Northwestern Islands ▲ low altitude airborne intrusion ▲ rear infiltration of SOF ▲ local conflicts within the Military Demarcation Line(MDL) ▲ attacking friendly ships by submarines. Counter-measures currently established by the US involves the support from USFK and USFJ. In order to keep the sworn promise, the US is reinforcing both USFK and USFJ. An all-out war situation will be met by 'CFC OPLAN5027' and 'Tailored Expansion Deterrence Forces' with the CFC playing a central role. The US augmentation forces stands at 690,000 troops, some 160 ships, 2,000 aircraft and this comprise 50% of US total forces, which is estimated to be ninefold of Korean forces. The CFC needs to be in center in handling both local provocations and an all-out war situation. However, the combat power of S. Korean conventional forces is approximately around 80% of that of N. Korea, which has been confirmed from comments made by Kim, Gwan-Jin, Defense Minister, during an interpellation session at the National Assembly. This means that S. Korean forces are not much growing. In particular, asymmetric capabilities of the North is posing a serious threat to the South including WMD, cyber warfare forces, SOF, forces targeting 5 Northwestern Islands, sub-surface and amphibious assault forces. The presence of such threats urgently requires immediate complementary efforts. For complementary efforts, the Korean Government should consider ① reinforcement of Korean forces; putting a stoppage to shrinking military, acquisition of adequate defense budget, building a missile defense and military leadership structure validity review, ② implementation of military tasks against the North; disciplinary measures on the sinking of ROKS Cheon-an/shelling of Yeonpyeong Islands, arrangement of inter-Korean military agreements, drawing lessons from studies on the correlation between aid for N. Korea, execution of inter-Korean Summit and provocations from the North, and ③ bolstering the ROK·US alliance; disregarding wartime operational control transfer plan(disassembling of CFC) and creation of a combined division.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.65-94
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• 2015

Since American Airlines launched AAdvantage which was the first Frequent Flyer Program in 1981, many people has accumulated mileage credits, and now, frequent flyer program(FFP) is the universal marketing tool to the airlines. These days, airlines establish a strategic alliance with domestic and foreign companies of various fields ; other airlines, travel agencies, car hire firms, hotels, department stores, even credit card companies. However, more people want to use their mileage credits, more airlines reject to approve that or change frequent flyer program against their customers. Last year, Northwest, Inc. v. Ginsberg, the United State Supreme Court made a decision that the preemption provision of Airlines Deregulation Act(ADA) preempts state laws related to rates, routes and services for air carriers including implied covenant of good faith and fare dealing. Thus, the claim of Ginsberg was canceled, it means that Northwest Inc. could terminated one-sidedly his membership in the frequent flyer program. In the contrast, Korea does not have the statute like ADA. If customers file a claim on FFP like Ginsberg, the courts of Korea judge whether the clauses of standard form contract are unfair or not. Therefore, in this article, Ginsberg would be checked on legal issues and be compared briefly with the courts' ruling in Korea.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.57-84
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• 2013

North Korea's continuous threats and provocative behaviors have aggravated tension on the Korean peninsula particularly with the recent nuclear weapons test. South Korea's best way to cope with this situation is to maintain the balance among three policy directions: dialogue, sanctions, and deterrence. Among the three, I argue that deterrence should be prioritized. There are different sources of deterrence such as military power, economic power, and diplomatic clouts. States can build deterrence capability independently. Alternatively, they may do so through relations with other states including alliances, bilateral relations, or multilateral relations in the international community. What South Korea needs most urgently is to maintain deterrence against North Korea's local provocations through the enhancement of independent military capability particularly by addressing the asymmetric vulnerability between militaries of the South and the North. Most of all, the South Korean government should recognize the seriousness of the negative consequences that North Korea's 'Nuclear shadow strategy' would bring about for the inter-Korea relations and security situations in Northeast Asia. Based on this understanding, it should develop an 'assertive deterrence strategy' that emphasizes 'multi-purpose, multi-stage, and tailored deterrence whose main idea lies in punitive retaliation.' This deterrence strategy requires a flexible targeting policy and a variety of retaliatory measures capable of taking out all targets in North Korea. At the same time, the force structures of the army, the air force, and the navy should be improved in a way that maximizes their deterrence capability. For example, the army should work on expanding the guided missile command and the special forces command and reforming the reserve forces. The navy and the air force should increase striking capabilities including air-to-ground, ship-to-ground, and submarine-to-ground strikes to a great extent. The marine corps can enhance its deterrence capability by changing the force structure from the stationary defense-oriented one that would have to suffer some degree of troop attrition at the early stage of hostilities to the one that focuses on 'counteroffensive landing operations.' The government should continue efforts for defense reform in order to obtain these capabilities while building the 'Korean-style triad system' that consists of advanced air, ground, and surface/ subsurface weapon systems. Besides these measures, South Korea should start to acquire a minimum level of nuclear potential within the legal boundary that the international law defines. For this, South Korea should withdraw from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Moreover, it should obtain the right to process and enrich uranium through changing the U.S.-South Korea nuclear cooperation treaty. Whether or not we should be armed with nuclear weapons should not be understood in terms of "all or nothing." We should consider an 'in-between' option as the Japanese case proves. With regard to the wartime OPCON transition, we need to re-consider the timing of the transition as an effort to demonstrate the costliness of North Korea's provocative behaviors. If impossible, South Korea should take measures to make the Strategic Alliance 2015 serve as a persisting deterrence system against North Korea. As the last point, all the following governments of South Korea should keep in mind that continuing reconciliatory efforts should always be pursued along with other security policies toward North Korea.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.47-65
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• 2012

Africa has got largely attention from around the world and industrial advanced countries mainly have focused their interest on the continent for the purposes of natural resources development or economic cooperation. Such is in part for their exploiting new logistics. Central America, Oceania and Africa are together now emerging as a new mecca for resources development and global logistics. Considering that Western countries are heavily investing in and preoccupying both social overhead infrastructure and logistics in Africa, it is expected that it will be new opportunities for domestic logistics companies. This research is focused on studying strategies for logistics companies to open Africa, especially Northern African market. For this, the method of questionnaire is applied for related companies. And it also considers proper time for the opening the market, how to enter, geographical market range and interests of countries there. From the result, it is important the timing for entering the market, which means competitive edge gets better with fast making inroads into the market. And strategic alliance is revealed more effective. In addition, geographical market range is another important factor in low infrastructure of logistics in Africa. It is shown that relations between governments have directly effect on business activities. It should be kept in mind that African countries have their big influences on the market.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.37 no.5
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• pp.406-414
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• 2004

The purposes of this study were 1) to investigate the importance level on factors affecting the foodservice management contract perceived by the clients in the office building, government and public offices and manufacturing company in Seoul and Kyungi 2) to compare the perceived importance levels of the present contract and future contract 3) to compare the perceived importance levels of the competitive bid with those of the private contract. To collect the data on the perceived importance level on the affecting the foodservice management contract, the questionnaires were developed by the delphi technique and modified by the pilot test. The questionnaires consisted of 4 categories and 19 items on the factors affecting the foodservice management contract and the importance level on the factors were measured by 5-likert scale. From March 12 to April 13 in 2003, the self-administrative questionnaires were mailed to 280 clients. The questionnaires were responded from the 50 clients (respondent rate: 25％). On the factors affecting the present contract and the future contract, among the 4 categories (the appropriateness of foodservice operation plan, the evaluation of the foodservice company, sales ability, the conditions of the cost in the contract), the importance level of the appropriateness of foodservice operation plan was higher than those of the other categories. In the comparison of the perceived importance level between the present contract and the future contract, the importance level of 4 items (sanitation and safety management plan, menu management plan, service management plan, food cost per meal) in the future contract were significantly higher than those in the present contract (p＜.01, p＜.05, p＜.05, p＜.01). There were the significant differences between the private contract and competitive bid on the factors affecting the present contract in the 3 items, which were $\ulcorner$renewal plan for interior and environment$\lrcorner$, $\ulcorner$strategic alliance with the contractor$\lrcorner$, $\ulcorner$lobby of the foodservice company$\lrcorner$ (p＜.05, p＜.05, p＜.05). And on the factors affecting the future contract, there were significant differences in the 2 items, which were $\ulcorner$renewal plan for interior and environment$\lrcorner$and $\ulcorner$cost per meal$\lrcorner$in comparing the competitive bid and private contract (p＜.05, p＜.01). The clients perceived the appropriateness of foodservice operation plan was more important than the other categories in the future foodservice management contract. It was proposed that the foodservice management contract company should focus on the foodservice operation to satisfy the customers and clients in order to get more contract in the future.

• Journal of Energy Engineering
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.13-24
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• 2020

Many countries are actively engaging in the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, and as part of this effort, gradually reducing the portion of coal power generation and instead increasing the portion of power generations from renewable energy sources and natural gas. Korea is taking a similar policy to expand LNG power generation for the next decade. There is a concern, though, about the policy not being aligned with the domestic industry development, since only a few products are being made in Korea along the LNG power generation industry value chain. Therefore in this paper, we first looked at the current status of the gas turbine and high temperature parts industry used for LNG power generation in Korea, and then looked into the industrial issues and challenges through the analysis of supply chains of the domestic gas turbine industry. Finally, we tried to propose strategies to revitalize and localize the domestic gas turbine and high temperature parts industry. The proposed strategies can be summarized as 1) creation of domestic gas turbine manufacturing ecosystem via construction of gas turbine alliance, 2) strategic R&D support for localization of gas turbine and high temperature parts, and 3) provision of domestic testbeds for technology evaluation and commercialization.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.159-204
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• 2020

This study is written to bring the proposal forward for the direction of south korean naval force. The political situation and the circumstance of the world, especially in the area of Pacific Ocean, are changing very rapidly. North Korea has been always the conventional existing intimidator for South Korea since the 6·25-War. Additionally, the strengthening movements of the national defense, which is easily noticed from China and Russia, is also an other part of intimidating countries against South Korea. Those three mentioned countries are continually developing the asymmetrical warfare systems, for example a strategic nuclear weapon. Since the Obama Administration, the Asia-Pacific Rebalancing-Strategy has been changed as an East Asian foreign policy. Nowadays, Trump Administration renamed the 'United States Pacific-Command' to 'United States Indo-Pacific Command'. The purpose of this is not only letting India to participate in american alliance, but also reducing an economic burden, which is often mentioned in USA. West Germany was located in the very similar geopolitical position during the Cold War just like South Korea these days. And that's why the strategy of West German Navy is worthy of notice for south korean naval force to decide its suitable strategy. Most of all, the two most important things to refer to this study are the plan to expand naval air force and the realistic political stand for us to take it. In conclusion, I laid an emphasis on maintenance of 'green-water-navy'. instead of selecting the strategy as a 'blue-water-navy'. The reason I would like to say, is that south korean navy is not available to hold the unnecessary war potential, just like Aircraft-Carrier. However, this is not meaning to let the expansion of naval force carelessly. We must search the best solution in order to maintain the firm peace within the situation. To fulfill this concept, it is mostly very important to maintain the stream of laying down a keel of destroyers, submarines and air-defense-missile, as well as the hight-tech software system, taking a survey of 4th industrial revolution. Research and development for the best solution of future aircraft by south korean navy is likewise necessary. Besides, we must also set the international diplomatic flexibly. As well as maintaining the relationship with US Forces, it is also very important to improve the relationship with other potential allied nation.