• 제목/요약/키워드: states of a crisis

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식품산업체가 겪는 위기의 분류와 위기 수준 판단 (Classification of Food Safety Crises and Standard Setting for Crisis Level in Food Industry)

  • 김종규;김중순
    • 한국환경보건학회지
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    • 제41권2호
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    • pp.133-145
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    • 2015
  • Objectives: Food safety has become one of the major public-concerning issues in Korea. In order to set guidelines to create manuals for the response to a food safety crisis by food industry, this paper classified food safety crises and suggested techniques to determine crisis level. Methods: This study clarified common terminologies and definitions including in food safety crises. It reviewed various food safety crises and described characteristics, types, and states of crises. Results: The results of this study suggested that a food safety crisis implied a situation in which hazards/risk spreading in the food supply chain was widely described, causing strong public concern followed by a socioeconomic impact, and therefore, requiring the implementation of a prompt and full response regarding the situation. In terms of seeking response plans, food safety crises might be classified according to the penalties resulting from violations of laws and regulations, causative substances, stages of the food supply chain, and first contact point for incidents. The crisis level for a food safety crisis could be classified according to its severity parameters. The guideline matrix was divided into four major stages: Blue/guarded, Yellow/elevated, Orange/high, and Red/severe. This study also suggested several methods for determining the crisis level, such as the simple judgement method, scoring methods using a check-list and a weighted check-list. Conclusion: The severity of related parameters might be of great importance in understanding a crisis and determining response options/challenges for crisis levels.

세계 경제위기 이후 복지국가의 진로 (The Trajectories of Welfare States after Global Economic Crisis)

  • 주은선
    • 사회복지연구
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    • 제42권2호
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    • pp.97-122
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    • 2011
  • 최근 글로벌 경제위기 직후 각국은 경기부양책의 일환으로 일제히 복지지출을 늘렸으나 재정위기가 불거지면서 복지지출을 급속히 축소시켰다. 그렇다면 경제위기 이후 복지국가는 어떠한 역사적 변곡점을 통과하고 있는 것일까? 빈곤과 양극화로 복지와 이를 책임지는 국가 역할에 대한 요구는 높아지고 있지만, 국가의 위기 대응은 사실상 금융산업 구제와 감세에 집중되었다. 국가는 시장 조정과 개입 능력에 많은 한계를 보였다. 대규모 구제금융 등으로 인한 재정 압박, 정치적 개인주의의 증대와 계급정치 변화 경향, 그리고 복지제도와 금융부문의 혼합 등과 같은 요소들로 볼 때 향후 복지국가 진로에 대해 낙관적 전망을 하기는 어렵다. 경제위기 이후 신자유주의적 자본축적 전략과 국가전략이 유지되고 있는 가운데 중간층 대상의 현금급여 위주로 복지 축소가 진행되고 있다. 따라서 과거와 같은 계급타협보다는 복지국가가 최소수준 보장을 통해 빈민에 대한 포섭을 강화하는 것이 유력하게 전망 된다. 이러한 최소주의 복지국가로의 진행을 막는 관건은 아래로부터의 연대를 통해 자본을 압박하는 것이지만, 그 전망은 불투명하다.

Neither External nor Multilateral: States' Digital Diplomacy During Covid-19

  • Wu, Di;Sevin, Efe
    • Journal of Public Diplomacy
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.69-96
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    • 2022
  • How does a public health crisis play into the digital rhetoric of states? As Covid-19 is presenting a situation in which countries need to manage the international environment in a relatively short period, their practices could signal how digitization is going to influence public diplomacy in the longer run. This paper explores state public diplomacy in the context of a public health crisis. It develops a theoretical framework of public diplomacy on social media through how and what states communicated during the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic. Through keyword and hashtag analyses, we identify two patterns. First, states usually regard social media as an instrument for domestic communication rather than public diplomacy. The international impact of messaging has not been prioritized or well-recognized. Social media platforms such as Twitter have global outreach and messaging can be seen by audiences all over the world. Messages intended for the domestic audience could have an international impact. Thus, any communication on digital platforms should consider their public diplomacy outcomes. Second, while social media platforms are claimed to be for networking at different levels, states tend to connect with other states rather than with international organizations during the pandemic. States do not like to mention international organizations like the WHO and the UN on Twitter. Instead, they were either busy dealing with internal problems or cooperating with another state to combat the virus.

제1차 세계대전 발발에서 발칸분쟁의 영향에 관한 연구 :국가 간 후견-피후견 관계의 관점을 중심으로 (A Study on the Influence of the Balkan Conflict in the Outbreak of World War I: Focusing on Perspective of Patron-Client Relationship between states)

  • 이영수;박상남
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제7권1호
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    • pp.83-114
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    • 2023
  • 제1차 세계대전을 다루는 국제정치에 대한 이전의 연구들은 주로 세력균형과 동맹 문제를 전쟁의 원인으로 지목했다. 이러한 시각들은 전쟁의 직접적인 원인인 사라예보 암살을 단순한 계기로 보았다. 결과적으로, 이러한 연구들은 '무엇이 전쟁을 피할 수 없게 만들었는지'를 설명할 수 있지만, 여전히 '왜 전쟁이 발칸 반도에서 시작되었고, 어떻게 유럽 전역으로 퍼졌는지'를 완전히 설명하지 못했다. 이러한 선행연구들의 한계를 보완하기 위해 본 연구는 독일-오스트리아와 러시아-세르비아의 갈등으로 시작된 발칸반도의 맥락에서 1차 세계대전의 기원을 찾는 것을 목표로 한다. 이를 위해 본 연구는 슈메이커와 스파니에의 국가 간 후견-피후견 관계와 위기 조작의 개념을 통해 발칸 위기의 역사적 배경과 위기의 전개를 분석하였다. 그 결과, 러시아와 독일의 경쟁과 그들의 피후견국들의 위기 조종 시도가 반드시 전쟁으로 이어지지는 않았음을 확인하였다. 그러나 위기 조종은 잠재적으로 그리고 누적적으로 나타날 후견국의 경쟁적 사고방식을 심어주었다. 이후 예상치 못한 위기가 발생했고, 경쟁 후견국들은 상대가 대전략적 음모와 도전을 계획하고 있다고 의심했다. 그 결과 그들은 피후견국들에 의한 위기 조작에 취약해졌다. 이러한 상황은 발칸의 후견-피후견 관계의 맥락에서 제1차 세계 대전의 발발 원인이 되었다.

United States Forces Korea's (USFK) Crisis Communication Strategies and Crisis Responses: The case of two Korean school girls' death

  • Cho, Seung-Ho
    • International Journal of Contents
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    • 제9권1호
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    • pp.98-103
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    • 2013
  • The study investigated USFK's crisis communication responding to the case of two Koran girls' death. The two girls were hit by an American tank accidently. The accident has resulted in anti-American demonstrations by a large number of South Korean. The current research attempted to see what problems USFK's crisis communication with Korean publics. Through analyzing USFK news release in Korea and Army News (ARNEWS) in America regarding the case, the study answered what crisis communication strategies USFK used and How the USFK responded to the crisis. The results showed that USFK used full apology strategy and its crisis response was immediate, but prior reputation of USFK seemed making USFK's effort fruitless.

When Diplomats Go MAD: How the Crisis Framing of Ministries of Foreign Affairs Results in Mutually Assured Delegitimization

  • Manor, Ilan
    • Journal of Public Diplomacy
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    • 제1권2호
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    • pp.75-116
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    • 2021
  • This study argues that scholars lack an adequate conceptualization of the strategic use of social media framing by Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) during crises. As a theoretical starting point, this article employs the concept of soft disempowerment to suggest that MFAs may use online framing to limit an adversary's range of possible actions during a crisis by depicting that adversary as violating norms and values deemed desirable by the international community. Next, the article introduces the concept of mutually assured delegitimization (MAD), which suggests that actors may call into question one another's adherence with certain norms and values during crises, which results in the mutual depletion of soft power resources. Importantly, this article proposes a novel, methodological approach for the analysis of individual tweets during crises. To illustrate its methodological and conceptual innovations, the study analyzes tweets published by the MFAs of the United States (US) and Russia during the Crimea crisis and demonstrates that both MFAs used Twitter to negatively frame each other by calling their morals into question, which resulted in MAD.

미국·중국·한국 거시경제변수가 한국 주식수익률 및 변동성 지수 변화율에 미치는 영향 분석 (Analysis of the Impact of US, China, and Korea Macroeconomic Variables on KOSPI and VKOSPI)

  • 문정훈;한규식
    • 아태비즈니스연구
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    • 제15권1호
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    • pp.209-223
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    • 2024
  • Purpose - This article analyzes the impact of macroeconomic variables of the United States, China, and Korea on KOSPI and VKOSPI, in that United States and China have a great influence on Korea, having an export-driven economy. Design/methodology/approach - The influence of US, China, and Korea interest rates, industrial production index, consumer price index, US employment index, Chinese real estate index, and Korea's foreign exchange reserves on KOSPI and VKOSPI is analyzed on monthly basis from Jan 2012 to Aug 2023, using multifactor model. Findings - The KOSPI showed a positive relationship with the U.S. industrial production index and Korea's foreign exchange reserves, and a negative relationship with the U.S. employment index and Chinese real estate index. The VKOSPI showed a positive relationship with the Chinese consumer price index, and a negative relationship with the U.S. interest rates, and Korean foreign exchange reserves. Next, dividing the analysis into two periods with the Covid crisis and the analysis by country, the impact of US macroeconomic variables on KOSPI was greater than Chinese ones and the impact of Chinese macroeconomic variables on VKOSPI was greater than US ones. The result of the forward predictive failure test confirmed that it was appropriate to divide the period into two periods with economic event, the Covid Crisis. After the Covid crisis, the impact of macroeconomic variables on KOSPI and VKOSPI increased. This reflects the financial market co-movements due to governments' policy coordination and central bank liquidity supply to overcome the crisis in the pandemic situation. Research implications or Originality - This study is meaningful in that it analyzed the effects of macroeconomic variables on KOSPI and VKOSPI simultaneously. In addition, the leverage effect can also be confirmed through the relationship between macroeconomic variables and KOSPI and VKOSPI. This article examined the fundamental changes in the Korean and global financial markets following the shock of Corona by applying this research model before and after Covid crisis.

DYNAMICS OF PAKISTAN'S POST 9/11 CRISIS FOREIGN POLICY DECISION-MAKING PROCESS

  • Hussain, Mehmood
    • 한국과 국제사회
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    • 제2권2호
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    • pp.157-184
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    • 2018
  • 이 연구는 파키스탄에서 9/11 테러 이후 외교정책 결정 과정을 추적하기 위해 4단계 "위기에서의 국가 행동 모델"을 적용했다. 그것은 알카에다의 미국에 대한 불길한 공격과 테러에 맞서 싸우기 위한 부시 대통령의 후속 선언이 t1 단계의 세계와 지역의 정치 안보 차원을 변화시켰다고 주장한다. 이웃 국가인 파키스탄의 지원은 테러와의 전쟁에서 불가피했고, 미국은 이슬람 바드의 협력을 얻기 위해 강압적인 외교를 취했다. 결과적으로, 미국의 요구를 수용하지 않을 경우 파키스탄은 국가의 기본 가치/목표에 대한 위협을 인식하고 동시에 시간 압박은 t2 단계에서 의사결정자들의 심리적 스트레스를 증폭시켰다. 따라서 의사결정 포럼은 t3 단계에서 시작되었고 파키스탄은 외교 정책 위기를 완화시킨 t4 단계로 미국에 합류하기로 결정했다.

Opioid Pharmacotherapy for Chronic Noncancer Pain: The American Experience

  • Chapman, C. Richard
    • The Korean Journal of Pain
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    • 제26권1호
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    • pp.3-13
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    • 2013
  • Chronic noncancer pain is a significant and growing public health challenge in the United States. Lacking effective alternative interventions for effective chronic noncancer pain management, many physicians have turned to opioid pharmacotherapy. Increased opioid prescribing brings not only gains in therapeutic benefit but also a higher incidence of adverse drug events including increased medication misuse and opioid related mortality. Currently the United States must confront the dual problems of widespread undertreated chronic noncancer pain and a prescription opioid abuse crisis. Withholding pain relieving drugs from patients in need is unjustifiable, yet drug diversion, abuse and adverse drug events have become major social as well as medical problems. At the heart of this crisis is the lack of definitive evidence about the risk to benefit ratio of opioid pharmacotherapy for chronic noncancer pain both on an individual case and on a population basis. This article describes the extent and severity of the American chronic noncancer pain problem and the history of opioid pharmacotherapy for chronic noncancer pain in the United States. It then discusses the concept of evidence based practice and reviews current evidence supporting opioid pharmacotherapy for chronic noncancer pain as well as adverse drug events related to opioid pharmacotherapy including misuse and abuse. Finally, it considers the conflict of providing pain relief versus protecting society and reviews steps that governmental agencies, industry and others are taking to contain and ultimately resolve the problems of excessive prescribing and conflicting priorities.

관리제어이론을 이용한 2008년 금융위기의 원인 해석 (Analysis of the Cause of the 2008 Financial Crisis using the Supervisory Control Theory)

  • 박성진
    • 제어로봇시스템학회논문지
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    • 제20권10호
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    • pp.995-1001
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    • 2014
  • In the aftermath of the financial crisis of 2008, while numerous members of the general public lost their homes and jobs, many of the largest banks held responsible for the crisis have been successfully rescued by bailouts. In this paper, through the analysis of income inequality, unemployment, tax cuts, and bailouts, we show that the interests of the general public are different from the interests of politicians and bankers. While the small elite group of politicians and bankers could set the deregulation policies with inordinate power based on full information, most people were ignorant and unconcerned about the policies, and hence did not oppose them. Specifically, we model the credit change in the financial markets of the United States by a finite state machine, and design three local supervisors representing three groups with different interests. It is then shown that the deregulation policies were adopted according to the difference of the supervisors' powers.