• Transactions of the Korean hydrogen and new energy society
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• v.34 no.6
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• pp.562-574
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• 2023

Carbon neutrality has been suggested to overcome the global climate crisis caused by global climate change. Hydrogen energy is a major way to achieve carbon neutrality, and the developments and policies of hydrogen technology have been proposed to achieve this goal. To commercialize hydrogen energy resources, it is necessary to understand the overall value chain composed of hydrogen production, storage, and utilization and to present the direction of technological developments. In this paper the hydrogen strategies of major countries, including Europe, the United States, Japan, China, and South Korea will be analyzed, and hydrogen technologies by value chain will also be explain. This paper will contribute to understanding the overall hydrogen policy and technology, as both policy and technology are summarized.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.222-237
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• 2022

As the COVID-19 pandemic crisis left developing countries with economic setbacks, it is high time to highlight that innovative technologies lead the digital economy. The big powers including the United States and China are already implementing industrial policies that involve large-scale fiscal expenditures to secure the lives and safety of their people. To prepare for the future up to 2025, this paper reflects opinions of industry-academia-research experts regarding changes in the external environment and industry trends. By reflecting results of focus group interviews and changes in the external environment and industry trends, a new high-level 5X strategy (Digital Transformation, Energy Transformation, Bio Health Transformation, Supply Chain Transformation, and Research Transformation) to solve national tasks required for the existing ten policy demand fields and ten agenda during lower-level policy implementation stages were derived.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.18 no.12
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• pp.80-87
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• 2017

In the past, the United States has been engaged in large-scale urban development projects as a tool for urban regeneration to revitalize distressed urban areas. On the other hand, large-scale urban development projects have been stalled or discontinued globally since the 2008 economic crisis. Despite this, the Hudson Yard development, which is the subject of this study, has resumed smoothly due to the characteristics of its development structure and rational negotiation process. Most domestic developments depend on the economic circumstances, and the problems that are exposed in a privately led development are repeated; the Yongsan International Business District Development is a representative failure case. This study examined the characteristics of the business structure and the nature of the negotiation process in the Hudson Yard development project in New York City.

• Strategy21
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• s.43
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• pp.57-88
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• 2018

Security situations are fundamentally and rapidly changing on the Korean Peninsula. Above all, as North Korea(NK) is heightening its nuclear and missile capabilities, Republic of Korea(ROK) is facing an existential threat. At the same time, as China's economic, diplomatic and military power is quickly rising, the balance of power is shifting and strategic competition between the Unite States(US) and China is accelerating in the Asia-Pacific region. Under the pressure of development of these situations, ROK seems to face allegedly the most serious crisis in its national security since the end of the Korean War. In the current grim geopolitical situation, maritime security may become the most difficult security challenge for ROK in the years to come. The purpose of this paper is to compare major changes in maritime security affairs of the ROK during last twenty years from 1998 until now(2018). 1998 was when this journal 『Strategy 21』 was published for the first time by the Korea Institute for Maritime Strategy. Then, this paper tries to identify challenges and risks with which this country has to deal for its survival and prosperity, and to propose some recommendations for the government, the Navy, and the Coast Guard as they are responsible for the maritime security of the country. The recommendations of this paper are as follows: strengthen ROK-US alliance and expand security cooperation with regional powers in support of the maintenance of the current security order in the region; building-up of maritime security capacity in preparation for crisis on the maritime domain with the navy targeting to acquire 'a non-nuclear, balance-of-terror capability, to improve interoperability with the Coast Guard based on 'a national fleet,' and to actively pursue innovation in naval science and technology. Finally, this paper proposes that naval capability the country needs in another twenty years depends on how effectively and rigorously the navy put its utmost efforts towards building 'a strongest navy' today.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2022

The global cod market is supposed to have weak structure with a high dependence on the supply of Russia, the United States, Norway, and China. The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly disrupted the cod supply chain for the worse. Fish processing facilities in China stopped their operation, and cod demand declined due to shrinking consumption in Europe. The position of South Korea as an intermediary trade country between Russia and China strengthened due to the U.S.-China trade war and the Atlantic cod decrease in 2019. However, this global cod supply chain collapse has caused South Korea to export accumulated cod to Indonesia and Vietnam at a bargain price, showing that South Korea was unable to cope with this supply chain crisis. The primary purpose of this study is to investigate changes in the global cod supply chain and their impacts on the intermediary trade of South Korea caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. It also aims to provide implications by analyzing advanced cases in Denmark. As the cod supply chain crisis countermeasures, this study suggests that South Korea develop high value-added marine products, gain competitive advantages by solidifying the value chains of related countries, and activate export by discovering alternative markets in terms of the supply chain of the cod industry.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

Celebrating its $50^{th}$ anniversary in 2017, the leaders of ASEAN member sates have adopted a series of declarations and action plans for enhancing its institutional capability and functional cooperation. ASEAN's convening power is expected to underpin its centrality and resilience. Meanwhile, ASEAN's retreat from democracy has increasingly become a hindrance for its further development. This article reviews the process of ASEAN's community building and its external relations. First, it argues that there is increasing concerns over ASEAN's limited capability in dealing with regional issues mainly caused by the deprivation of human rights and the democracy in crisis. Second, this article considers the dynamics of ASEAN's external relations mainly focusing on its relations with China, the United States, and South Korea. The South China Sea issue and China's increasing economic influence in the region have contributed to the complexity of ASEAN-China relations. The ASEAN's responses to the shift in American foreign policy under the Trump administration posits the unity of ASEAN. The New Southern Policy initiated by South Korean President, Moon Jae-in appears to be a new focal point of Korea-ASEAN relations despite considerable challenges, which requires to maintain ASEAN centrality.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.165-191
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• 2023

The US and EU have imposed energy sanctions on the Russian oil and gas sector in response to the Ukraine crisis. One of the key measures is to cut oil and gas imports from Russia. The US and EU are both the senders of sanctions against Russia. However, there is a fundamental difference between them. While the US is the net oil and gas exporter, most EU member states are heavily dependent on Russian oil and gas. If the US and other major oil and gas exporting countries can replace Russia in the EU energy market, the effectiveness of energy sanctions against Russia can be guaranteed. Our result shows that it is difficult for the major oil and gas exporters to fully replace Russia in the short run because of the lack of additional production capacity and infrastructure. We conclude that the US and EU's energy sanctions against Russia can not guarantee its effectiveness. We argue that other measures, such as diplomacy, should be taken to settle the conflicts in Ukraine.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.229-258
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• 2023

For the main countries of the Asia-Pacific region, the United States, China and Russia, a situation of "new normality" is emerging. Moreover, for each of the countries, this "new normality" has its own meaning. For the United States, this is an aggravation of the military confrontation with China in the Taiwan Strait. For China, this is an increase in the degree of rivalry with the United States and a slowdown in the pace of economic development with a very high probability of their decline in the future. For Russia, this is an almost complete curtailment of relations with the United States against the background of a special military operation and imposed sanctions. These nuances, in addition to the results of the 20th CPC Congress, will determine the main trends in Sino-American and Sino-Russian relations. It seems that China's attitude towards Russia will not change against the background of the Ukrainian crisis. Beijing will maintain a position of "benevolent neutrality" towards Moscow. At the same time, the balance between "goodwill" and "neutrality" may vary depending on the scope of Sino-Russian cooperation. For example, in the economic sphere, Chinese companies will be afraid to cooperate with Russian partners for fear of secondary sanctions. However, in general, Russia will retain its importance for China as the strongest anti-American pole. In relations with the United States, China will continue to firmly defend its interests, while at the same time not excluding the normalization of relations with Washington in certain areas of cooperation: strategic stability, non-traditional threats, ecology, etc. In general, the decisions of the 20th CPC Congress do not allow us to say either in favor or against the idea of China's readiness to resume dialogue with the United States in the post-congress period. Sino-American relations, as noted above, have their own logic and will probably continue to develop within its framework. However, so are Sino-Russian relations. Within the framework of these logics, Beijing seems to continue to balance between the two vectors of its foreign policy. On the one hand, this is the development of bilateral cooperation with Russia in order to strengthen its own negotiating positions in the confrontation with the United States: military cooperation with an emphasis on joint exercises, political cooperation based on anti-Americanism, economic cooperation with an eye to the risks of secondary sanctions. On the other hand, it is unacceptable for China to recognize the collapse of Ukraine, the inadmissibility of a direct military clash with the United States and the extreme undesirability of further aggravation of relations with the United States on the factor of Chinese friendship with Russia.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.185-222
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of labor market policy on fiscal soundness of welfare state. The analysis was carried out using cross-sectional panel data regression analysis, stepwise mediating effect analysis and system GMM designed by Baron and Kenny(1986) based on the data from 1985 to 2015 for 20 OECD countries. In setting up the analysis model, this study considers the interaction effect between active and passive labor market policies as well as the time sequence of the outcomes which have been overlooked in the previous studies. The result shows that labor market policies have significant impacts on the fiscal condition of welfare states, which is measured as the levels of national debt in this study. Especially the expenditure on active labor market programs has a positive effect on improving the fiscal soundness of welfare states by promoting the employment rate. In contrast, passive labor market programs expenditure is negatively associated with employment rate growth and it exacerbates the burden of national debt in the short-term. However, when active labor market programs and passive labor market programs are combined, the negative impacts by passive pabor market policies on the fiscal soundness of welfare states are off-set. Therefore this study addresses that although the expansion of the labor market policies can be inimical to the fiscal soundness of welfare states in the short-term, in the long run, they can have effective roles in securing and promoting the fiscal soundness of the welfare states by promoting the employment rate.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.149-173
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• 2020

While the United States and other Western states are in trouble with COVID-19 crisis, China is continuing its aggressive ocean expansion with its Gray-zone strategy. The Gray-zone strategy, which China uses around the South China Sea, refers to a strategy that promotes a change in international politics by creating an unclear state, neither war or peace. China, which is trying to expand its influence across East Asia, will also try to project a Gray zone strategy on the Korean Peninsula. The possible scenarios are as follows: 1) South Korea is accidentally involved in a dispute in the South China Sea, 2) Military conflicts between South Korea and China is caused by illegal fishing of Chinese boats in Yellow Sea, 3) China tries to interfere with Socotra Rock, 4) Unlikely, but possible in the future that China induce the military conflicts between Korea and Japan on the Dokdo issue. In order to cope with these scenarios, Korea should prepare the following measures from a long-term perspective: the creation of an Asian maritime safety fleet, the integ rated operation of the navy and the coast guard in the framework of the national fleet, and strengthening the conflict control system for China's provocations.