• Journal of Environmental Health Sciences
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.133-145
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• 2015

Objectives: Food safety has become one of the major public-concerning issues in Korea. In order to set guidelines to create manuals for the response to a food safety crisis by food industry, this paper classified food safety crises and suggested techniques to determine crisis level. Methods: This study clarified common terminologies and definitions including in food safety crises. It reviewed various food safety crises and described characteristics, types, and states of crises. Results: The results of this study suggested that a food safety crisis implied a situation in which hazards/risk spreading in the food supply chain was widely described, causing strong public concern followed by a socioeconomic impact, and therefore, requiring the implementation of a prompt and full response regarding the situation. In terms of seeking response plans, food safety crises might be classified according to the penalties resulting from violations of laws and regulations, causative substances, stages of the food supply chain, and first contact point for incidents. The crisis level for a food safety crisis could be classified according to its severity parameters. The guideline matrix was divided into four major stages: Blue/guarded, Yellow/elevated, Orange/high, and Red/severe. This study also suggested several methods for determining the crisis level, such as the simple judgement method, scoring methods using a check-list and a weighted check-list. Conclusion: The severity of related parameters might be of great importance in understanding a crisis and determining response options/challenges for crisis levels.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.97-122
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• 2011

After global economic crisis, most countries increased the welfare expenditure as a part of stimulus package. As a However welfare expenditure was decreased radically as the crisis was transmitted into the financial crisis. Which turning point is the welfare state going through now? Although the need for the welfare and the role of the state to take responsibility of public welfare has increased because of poverty and polarization, responses of the state against the crisis had focused on the aid to the financial industry and cutting taxes and showed limitations in coordination. Financial limitation of welfare expenditure, political individualism, the change of class politics and the mixture of the welfare institutions and financial institutions make have a pessimistic prospect of the retrenchment to the minimalist welfare state. As neoliberal state is continued cash benefits mainly for the middle class is being decreased. As a result, the direction the welfare states pursue is prospected to win over the poor by strengthening selectivity in welfare provision rather than class coordination.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.69-96
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• 2022

How does a public health crisis play into the digital rhetoric of states? As Covid-19 is presenting a situation in which countries need to manage the international environment in a relatively short period, their practices could signal how digitization is going to influence public diplomacy in the longer run. This paper explores state public diplomacy in the context of a public health crisis. It develops a theoretical framework of public diplomacy on social media through how and what states communicated during the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic. Through keyword and hashtag analyses, we identify two patterns. First, states usually regard social media as an instrument for domestic communication rather than public diplomacy. The international impact of messaging has not been prioritized or well-recognized. Social media platforms such as Twitter have global outreach and messaging can be seen by audiences all over the world. Messages intended for the domestic audience could have an international impact. Thus, any communication on digital platforms should consider their public diplomacy outcomes. Second, while social media platforms are claimed to be for networking at different levels, states tend to connect with other states rather than with international organizations during the pandemic. States do not like to mention international organizations like the WHO and the UN on Twitter. Instead, they were either busy dealing with internal problems or cooperating with another state to combat the virus.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.83-114
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• 2023

Previous studies on international politics dealing with World War I mainly pointed to the balance of power and alliance issues as the causes of war. This view saw the assassination of Sarajevo, the direct cause of the war, as a simple opportunity. As a result, these studies can explain 'what made war inevitable' but still need to fully explain 'why the war started in the Balkans and how it spread throughout Europe.' To compensate for the limitations of these preceding studies, this study aim to find the origin of World War 1 in the context of the Balkan, which began with the conflict between Germany-Austria and Russia-Serbia. To this end, this study analyzed the historical background of the Balkan crisis and the development of the crisis through the concept of Shoemaker and Spanier's patron-client relationship between states and crisis manipulation. As a result, it confirmed that competition between Russia and Germany and crisis manipulation attempts by their client states did not necessarily lead to war. But crisis manipulation has instilled a competitive mindset in patron states that will potentially and cumulatively work. Since then, unexpected crises have occurred, and rival patrons have suspected that their opponents are planning grand strategic conspiracies and challenges. As a result, they have become vulnerable to crisis manipulation by the clients. This situation was the cause of the outbreak of World War I in the context of the Balkans' patron-client relationship.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.98-103
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• 2013

The study investigated USFK's crisis communication responding to the case of two Koran girls' death. The two girls were hit by an American tank accidently. The accident has resulted in anti-American demonstrations by a large number of South Korean. The current research attempted to see what problems USFK's crisis communication with Korean publics. Through analyzing USFK news release in Korea and Army News (ARNEWS) in America regarding the case, the study answered what crisis communication strategies USFK used and How the USFK responded to the crisis. The results showed that USFK used full apology strategy and its crisis response was immediate, but prior reputation of USFK seemed making USFK's effort fruitless.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.75-116
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• 2021

This study argues that scholars lack an adequate conceptualization of the strategic use of social media framing by Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) during crises. As a theoretical starting point, this article employs the concept of soft disempowerment to suggest that MFAs may use online framing to limit an adversary's range of possible actions during a crisis by depicting that adversary as violating norms and values deemed desirable by the international community. Next, the article introduces the concept of mutually assured delegitimization (MAD), which suggests that actors may call into question one another's adherence with certain norms and values during crises, which results in the mutual depletion of soft power resources. Importantly, this article proposes a novel, methodological approach for the analysis of individual tweets during crises. To illustrate its methodological and conceptual innovations, the study analyzes tweets published by the MFAs of the United States (US) and Russia during the Crimea crisis and demonstrates that both MFAs used Twitter to negatively frame each other by calling their morals into question, which resulted in MAD.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.209-223
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• 2024

Purpose - This article analyzes the impact of macroeconomic variables of the United States, China, and Korea on KOSPI and VKOSPI, in that United States and China have a great influence on Korea, having an export-driven economy. Design/methodology/approach - The influence of US, China, and Korea interest rates, industrial production index, consumer price index, US employment index, Chinese real estate index, and Korea's foreign exchange reserves on KOSPI and VKOSPI is analyzed on monthly basis from Jan 2012 to Aug 2023, using multifactor model. Findings - The KOSPI showed a positive relationship with the U.S. industrial production index and Korea's foreign exchange reserves, and a negative relationship with the U.S. employment index and Chinese real estate index. The VKOSPI showed a positive relationship with the Chinese consumer price index, and a negative relationship with the U.S. interest rates, and Korean foreign exchange reserves. Next, dividing the analysis into two periods with the Covid crisis and the analysis by country, the impact of US macroeconomic variables on KOSPI was greater than Chinese ones and the impact of Chinese macroeconomic variables on VKOSPI was greater than US ones. The result of the forward predictive failure test confirmed that it was appropriate to divide the period into two periods with economic event, the Covid Crisis. After the Covid crisis, the impact of macroeconomic variables on KOSPI and VKOSPI increased. This reflects the financial market co-movements due to governments' policy coordination and central bank liquidity supply to overcome the crisis in the pandemic situation. Research implications or Originality - This study is meaningful in that it analyzed the effects of macroeconomic variables on KOSPI and VKOSPI simultaneously. In addition, the leverage effect can also be confirmed through the relationship between macroeconomic variables and KOSPI and VKOSPI. This article examined the fundamental changes in the Korean and global financial markets following the shock of Corona by applying this research model before and after Covid crisis.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.157-184
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• 2018

The study has applied the four stage "Model of State Behavior in Crisis" to trace the post 9/11 crisis foreign policy decision making process in Pakistan. It argues that ominous attacks on the United States by al-Qaeda and subsequent declaration of President Bush to fight against terrorism transformed the global and regional politico-security dimensions at t1 stage. Being a neighboring country, Pakistan's support was inevitable in the war on terror and Washington applied coercive diplomacy to win the cooperation from Islamabad. Consequently, in case of decline to accept American demands, Pakistan perceived threat to basic values/objectives of the country and simultaneous time pressure amplified the psychological stress in decision makers at t2 stage. Therefore, the decisional forum was setup at t3 stage and Pakistan decided to join the United States at t4 stage, which defused the foreign policy crisis.

• The Korean Journal of Pain
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-13
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• 2013

Chronic noncancer pain is a significant and growing public health challenge in the United States. Lacking effective alternative interventions for effective chronic noncancer pain management, many physicians have turned to opioid pharmacotherapy. Increased opioid prescribing brings not only gains in therapeutic benefit but also a higher incidence of adverse drug events including increased medication misuse and opioid related mortality. Currently the United States must confront the dual problems of widespread undertreated chronic noncancer pain and a prescription opioid abuse crisis. Withholding pain relieving drugs from patients in need is unjustifiable, yet drug diversion, abuse and adverse drug events have become major social as well as medical problems. At the heart of this crisis is the lack of definitive evidence about the risk to benefit ratio of opioid pharmacotherapy for chronic noncancer pain both on an individual case and on a population basis. This article describes the extent and severity of the American chronic noncancer pain problem and the history of opioid pharmacotherapy for chronic noncancer pain in the United States. It then discusses the concept of evidence based practice and reviews current evidence supporting opioid pharmacotherapy for chronic noncancer pain as well as adverse drug events related to opioid pharmacotherapy including misuse and abuse. Finally, it considers the conflict of providing pain relief versus protecting society and reviews steps that governmental agencies, industry and others are taking to contain and ultimately resolve the problems of excessive prescribing and conflicting priorities.

• Journal of Institute of Control, Robotics and Systems
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• v.20 no.10
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• pp.995-1001
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• 2014

In the aftermath of the financial crisis of 2008, while numerous members of the general public lost their homes and jobs, many of the largest banks held responsible for the crisis have been successfully rescued by bailouts. In this paper, through the analysis of income inequality, unemployment, tax cuts, and bailouts, we show that the interests of the general public are different from the interests of politicians and bankers. While the small elite group of politicians and bankers could set the deregulation policies with inordinate power based on full information, most people were ignorant and unconcerned about the policies, and hence did not oppose them. Specifically, we model the credit change in the financial markets of the United States by a finite state machine, and design three local supervisors representing three groups with different interests. It is then shown that the deregulation policies were adopted according to the difference of the supervisors' powers.