• 한국환경생태학회지
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• 제34권5호
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• pp.483-490
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• 2020

본 연구는 급변하는 남북관계에 대응하여, 비정치적·비군사적 영역인 자연환경 분야의 남·북 협력 강화를 통해 한반도 생태공동체 구축 및 지속가능발전 기반 마련을 도모하기 위한 것으로, 자연환경 분야 대북 지원 사업 및 국제협력 사례분석, 국제협력을 다루고 있는 북한의 국가계획 및 국제사회에 북한이 제안한 협력 사업을 분석하여 잠재 협력 사업을 도출하고자 하였다. 기존 사례고찰 및 1차 전문가 설문조사(5명)를 통해 "잠재 협력사업" 15건과 "사업 선정 시 주요 고려인자" 6개(①추진 시급성, ②한반도 연계성(한반도 생태공동체), ③지속가능발전(번영) 기여, ④북한의 수용성, ⑤추진 기반(협력 여건, 예산) 구비, ⑥사업의 지속가능성)를 도출하고, 이를 토대로 2차 전문가 설문조사(14명)를 통해 우선 사업을 도출하였다. 자연환경 분야 15건의 잠재 남북 협력 사업에 대한 종합적인 검토를 위하여 6개 주요 고려 인자를 적용하여 통합·평균한 결과, 사업 추진 우선순위는 ①설악-금강 국제평화공원 지정 추진, ②임농복합경영(agro-forestry) 지원·협력, ③국제적 중요 이동성조류(저어새, 두루미 등) 공동 보전사업, ④남북 생태관광 연계·활성화, ⑤한반도 대표 생태계 및 생물다양성 통합정보 구축 등의 순으로 나타났다. 본 연구에서 제시한 우선 협력 사업들은 기존 협력사례와 협력여건을 고려한 자연환경 분야 남북협력 전문가들의 인식에 근거하여 도출한 결과이며, 향후 실질적 추진은 사업별 성격에 따라 남·북한 간 추진 공감대 형성, 적합한 파트너와 협력체계 구축 등을 포함한 체계적인 접근이 필요할 것으로 판단된다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.5-26
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• 2013

The South Korean society has experienced many changes since the sinking of ROKS Cheonan. The government reviewed its defense posture and adopted the 5·24 Measure in its relations with North Korea. As a result, the people of South Korea became more conscious of security situations on the Korean peninsula while North Korea's economy suffered badly. Meanwhile, the South Korean government has taken a flexible stance toward North Korea in terms of exchange and cooperation since September 2011. The flexible stance was to manage inter-Korea relations in a stable manner and relieve the hardships of the North Korean people while preserving the spirits and purposes of the 5·24 Measure. The UN Security Council adopted twenty-six resolutions and statements on North Korea since June 25, 1950. They include thirteen U.N. Security Council resolutions including those concerning nuclear weapons or missile programs, nine Presidential statements, and four press statements. Resolution 82, the first U.N. resolution on North Korea, came when the Korean War broke out. Resolution 825, the first one related to nuclear or missile programs, was adopted in response to North Korea's withdrawal from the NPT. Apart from these U.N. resolutions, the United States has imposed separate sanctions against North Korea. North Korea's nuclear weapons program can be considered in comparison with that of Iran in terms of the consequences they create for the regional security. The Security Council has adopted six resolutions on Iran so far. One should note that the resolutions on Iran have had much stronger sanctions compared to those imposed on North Korea. That is, while the North Korea case may be viewed as a more serious threat to international security from the perspective of nuclear weapons development or proliferation, tougher sanctions have been placed on Iran. There are two approaches that South Korea should take in addressing the related issues. First, we should aim to reduce the gap between sanctions imposed on Iran and North Korea. It is difficult to understand that a country with more serious problems is rewarded with lighter sanctions. We should take measures through the Security Council Sanctions Committee to make individuals and groups in North Korea that play a central role in developing nuclear weapons and missiles subject to additional sanctions. Second, we have to change. Other countries in the international community have become tired of North Korea's nuclear issue and now they look to South Korea for initiative. We should correctly understand this current situation and play a leading role within our capacity. Knowingly and unknowingly, the notion that the North Korean nuclear issue may be left to South Korea has been spread around the international community. Although the situation is grave, we should try to open a new horizon in ushering in the unification era by taking the initiative with confidence that there is a looming hope ahead of us. For these tasks, we should stop thinking in the old way that has been ossified for the last two decades. We should not be pushed around by neighboring great powers in dealing with North Korea related issues anymore; we should take the initiative with resolution that we will play our role at the center of four great powers and with confidence that we can do it. Based on the confidence that the Republic of Korea has become a country with enough capacity to take the initiative, we should establish a 'National Grand Strategy' representing South Korea's strategic vision that the unification is the ultimate solution to the problems related to North Korea's nuclear weapons program.

• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.5-46
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• 2016

North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

• KIEE International Transactions on Power Engineering
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• 제12A권2호
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• pp.39-44
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• 2002

This paper proposes some alternatives fur the power system linkage between South and North Korea, under the current situation. Since little information and data on the North-Korean power system are available so far, many efforts have been made to collect the required data for the North system as much as possible if available, and suppose, estimate and/or conjecture many things otherwise. Using these collected or assumed data, the characteristics of bus voltage and power flow are being studied to estimate the feasibility of the proposed linkage alternatives. To this end, many case studies have been made to examine the performance of acceptable interconnection alternatives.

• 한국산학기술학회논문지
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• 제11권8호
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• pp.2840-2852
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• 2010

남한에 입국하는 북한이탈주민의 수는 1990년대 중반부터 지속적으로 증가하여 최근에는 그 수가 2만여명에 이르고 있으며, 앞으로도 계속 증가할 것으로 예상된다. 그동안 정부에서는 북한이탈주민들이 우리사회의 일원으로 자립 자활의지를 갖고 안정적으로 정착할 수 있도록 다양한 제도를 발전시켜 왔다. 이 연구에서는 북한이탈주민이 남한사회에서 경제적으로 적응할 수 있는 실제적인 도움이 될 수 있도록 북한에서 취득한 자격을 국가기술자격으로 인정하는 제도를 개선하고자 하였다. 이 연구를 위하여 자격시행 전문가, 교육훈련 전문가, 자격 연구자 및 정부기관 전문가 70명을 대상으로 델파이 조사를 실시하였다. 그 결과에 따라 현행 북한자격 인정 제도를 보완하는 측면에서 자격인정 절차에 소관부서의 역할을 강화하고, 자격인정 방법에 경력을 추가하는 방향으로 개선안을 마련하였다.

• 한국측량학회지
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• 제39권5호
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• pp.321-328
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• 2021

This study considered measures to support the establishment of surveying and spatial information in preparation for the unification of South and North Korea and the subsequent construction of national infrastructure. The organization identified and analyzed spatial information about North Korea, road and railway-oriented SOC construction projects, and examined the applicability of the latest technologies to narrow the technical gap with North Korea and quickly establish land spatial information. To prepare a support process appropriate for the situation in North Korea, technical and human support details and considerations were reviewed through a case analysis of spatial information construction for developing countries. In addition, the main result was "Presenting Efficient Utilization of Human Resources and Equipment for the Establishment of Spatial Information in North Korea," establishing an efficient utilization plan for the human resources and equipment needed in the support process based on technology support. It is expected that the South Korean government will minimize the negative impact on future land infrastructure construction by first conducting research in inter-Korean economic cooperation and national infrastructure construction and establishment of spatial information construction plans.

• 한국정보통신학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국해양정보통신학회 2000년도 추계종합학술대회
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• pp.140-145
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• 2000

인터넷을 통한 남북한의 교류협력은 정보화시대에 부응하는 새로운 남북관계의 토대를 마련해 줄 가능성을 내포하고 있다. 인터넷을 통한 교류협력은 직접접촉에 의할 때 수반되는 여러 불편함이 감소되어 교류가 용이하고 비용이 절감됨으로써 남북간 교류협력의 틀을 마련하는데 기여 할 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 정보통신부문의 남북 교류협력 동향을 인터넷, 소프트웨어, 통신서비스 중심으로 살펴보고, 이를 토대로 남북한의 교류협력을 위한 Cyber Network 구축방안을 제시하고자 한다.

• Journal of Forest and Environmental Science
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• 제31권1호
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• pp.55-62
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• 2015

For the last 10 years, there were also a lot of exchanges and cooperations between North and South Korea's local governments. Dealing with these exchanges more systematically, local governments had issued many regulations. But in the law level, the current laws regulating exchanges and cooperations between North and South Korea lacked care in the role of local governments in the course of Korea reunification. Therefore, it is necessary to redesign the legal system to support and promote the role of local governments in unification affairs. The purpose of this study is to seek answers to a question how the Inter-Korea forest cooperation project effect on regional economy compared with other forest sectors. Results of this study proved that Inter-Korea forest cooperation project effects on regional economy positively as 'plus investment', not negatively. Forest cooperation project will be resolve Inter-Korea conflicts more peacefully. So government should be supported continuously in the long run in order to raise the performance.

• 에너지공학
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• 제25권3호
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• pp.1-8
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• 2016

현재 북한은 국제사회와의 마찰로 인한 경제제재와 에너지 생산 감소로 산업생산력 저하라는 경제위기를 겪고 있다. 본 논문에서는 북한의 경제회복과 에너지산업 협력을 위해 필요한 천연가스산업과 석탄산업의 기술현황과 에너지 산업 투자 방안에 대해 분석하였고, 에너지 산업 투자가 남북한에 미치는 경제적 파급 효과를 계산 하였다. 북한의 경제적 파급효과를 분석하기 위하여 2014년도 산업연관표(북한)를 작성하였고, 투입-산출모형을 이용하였다. 천연가스산업과 석탄산업 투자의 파급효과는 각각 10.12억 달러, 27.42억 달러이다. 또한, 남한의 경제에 미치는 파급 효과를 분석하기 위해 2013년 산업연관표(남한)와 산업연관분석의 수요유도형 모형을 이용하였다. 천연가스 및 석탄 산업 투자의 생산유발효과, 부가가치유발효과, 취업유발효과는 각각 2.02073, 0.62697, 8.99409, 2.02130, 0.62701, 9.00413으로 계산되었다.

• 토지주택연구
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• 제10권4호
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• pp.31-39
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• 2019

Singapore, a city state with less than 6 million population, has continued successful cooperative development and become one of the most successful Asian countries in exporting expertise in urban and real estate development. This research aims to analyze Singapore's cooperative development with socialist countries including China and Vietnam from Singapore's perspective as an investor. For cooperative development projects in China, Singapore adopted Singapore-style physical urban planning concepts as well as its own institutional and administrative systems. Singapore-Vietnam cooperative development managed to acquire profitable land and diversify its portfolio in terms of industry types and rents. This made Singapore's industrial parks more competitive than other parks in Vietnam. By showcasing successful project implementation in China and Vietnam, Singapore has proved that its model for industrial park and urban development is transferable. Singapore's success in cooperative development with socialist countries provides important implications for future cooperative development between South and North Korea. For example, phased development approaches starting from individual industrial parks expanding to mixed-use townships will be very useful to realize sustainable urban planning in North Korea and reduce financial risks. Singapore dominated development opportunities in advance when socialist countries opened their economy. To pattern ourselves after Singapore, we should not only improve our relationship with North Korea but also prepare with practical components such as financing and organizational structure.