• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.41 no.4 s.115
• /
• pp.470-490
• /
• 2006

The paper critically examines resource mobilization theories, frame theory, and new social movement theories, and proposes studies on the spatiality of the social movements as one potential to mitigate the limitation in these theories. The resource mobilization theories and the frame theory, the strategy-oriented approaches, lack contextual understandings of the origin of social movements. While new social movement theories provide macro-scale analysis and the structural explanations of the origins of social movements, they have covered limited geographical areas. The spatiality of social movements promotes deep understandings of local differences, and contexts in and through which grievances are constructed and collective actions are organized. Physical structures and symbolic representations of places are often created and utilized as social movement strategies. The spatiality of social movements can be a useful conceptual tool to explain the diversity and the dynamics of social movements.

• Informatization Policy
• /
• v.18 no.2
• /
• pp.3-22
• /
• 2011

The study of online social movements is basically concerned about the impact of the Internet on the existing social movements. More specifically, researchers have paid attention to changes in participants, leadership style and movement strategies caused by the Internet. Due to the Internet, networks of the individuals who are geographically scattered or a network of networks have emerged as new movement agents. Researchers have also analyzed a repertoire of collective action adopted by the online social movements. The increase in online social movements calls for a new interpretation of the existing social movement theories such as resource mobilization, collective identity and political opportunity structure. There are still a lot of debate about the impact of the internet on social movement and the resulting changes. Not only the early debate of cyber-optimism and cyber-scepticism, many studies done by the mid-range perspective also suggested different arguments on the impact of the Internet. This discrepancy comes from a relatively short history of online social movement study, which leads to a limited number of case studies and a shortage of date accumulations. In the future, researchers need to place more attention on the unique characteristics of different technologies and comparative studies of online social movements. The study should also extend its focus to a wide range of political systems in order to explain the impact of online social movements on political intermediary organizations and the democracy itself.

• Anayses & Alternatives
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.17-30
• /
• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
• /
• v.28 no.6
• /
• pp.815-829
• /
• 2020

The aim of this study is to investigate fashion activism that supports sustainability by pursuing social transformation through social media. This is achieved by publicizing the environmental and labor problems of the fashion industry. For this study, a literary survey and netnography were conducted from January 2017 to November 2020. We classified and analyzed environmental and labor issues that could be considered fashion activism on social media. The results are as follows. First, movements for conscious consumption appeared as #haulternative, #fashionourfuture, #SecondHandSeptember, and #wornwear projects. These movements are concerned with buying used goods, re-dressing clothes owned by individuals, and transforming and wearing them with new methods. Second, activism for environmental protection includes #fashionOnclimate by Global Fashion Agenda and Sustainable Fashion Matterz' #Watermatterz. These movements are directly involved in learning about the seriousness of environmental destruction caused by the fashion industry and participating in environmental protection with critical awareness. Third, the #whomademyclothes and the Clean Clothes Campaign are activism for improving the working environment, and are playing a role in publicizing labor issues by informing the general public about inadequate working conditions linked to the fashion industry. Thus, fashion activism on social media examined in this study can contribute to visualizing chronic problems that hinder sustainable development within the fashion industry.

• Journal of Veterinary Clinics
• /
• v.33 no.5
• /
• pp.278-285
• /
• 2016

Epidemiological studies have shown the association between transportation of live animals and the potential transmission of infectious disease between premises. This finding was also observed in the 2014-2015 foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) outbreak in Korea. Furthermore, slaughterhouses played a key role in the global spread of the FMD virus during the epidemic. In this context, in-depth knowledge of the structure of direct and indirect contact between slaughterhouses is paramount for understanding the dynamics of FMD transmission. But the social network structure of vehicle movements to slaughterhouses in Korea remains unclear. Hence, the aim of this study was to configure a social network topology of vehicle movements between slaughterhouses for a better understanding of how they are potentially connected, and to explore whether FMD outbreaks can be explained by the network properties constructed in the study. We created five monthly directed networks based on the frequency and chronology of on- and off-slaughterhouse vehicle movements. For the monthly network, a node represented a slaughterhouse, and an edge (or link) denoted vehicle movement between two slaughterhouses. Movement data were retrieved from the national Korean Animal Health Integrated System (KAHIS) database, which tracks the routes of individual vehicle movements using a global positioning system (GPS). Electronic registration of livestock movements has been a mandatory requirement since 2013 to ensure traceability of such movements. For each of the five studied networks, the network structures were characterized by small-world properties, with a short mean distance, a high clustering coefficient, and a short diameter. In addition, a strongly connected component was observed in each of the created networks, and this giant component included 94.4% to 100% of all network nodes. The characteristic hub-and-spoke type of structure was not identified. Such a structural vulnerability in the network suggests that once an infectious disease (such as FMD) is introduced in a random slaughterhouse within the cohesive component, it can spread to every other slaughterhouse in the component. From an epidemiological perspective, for disease management, empirically derived small-world networks could inform decision-makers on the higher potential for a large FMD epidemic within the livestock industry, and could provide insights into the rapid-transmission dynamics of the disease across long distances, despite a standstill of animal movements during the epidemic, given a single incursion of infection in any slaughterhouse in the country.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.89-102
• /
• 2014

Since the Arab spring in 2010, SNS prompted discussions about the roles to organize collective actions. First of all, mobile media and SNS help to mobilize both on and offline social movement, second, to create new forms of collective actions, third, to organize social movement organizations across the world, fourth, to empower movement participants to develop new collective identities. On the other hand, the same technologies also hinder social movements from developing continuity and dedication. In addition, the problems of digital divide might aggravate the divisive process to organize collective actions across the world. This research is built on these ongoing arguments about the potentials and limitations of new media technologies. In particular, this research tries to move beyond the confrontational approaches to the media through the case study of Save The Jeju Island social movements on Facebook. The movement SNS on Facebook aims to provide as well as organize international SMOs and activists that might help deeper understandings on the potentials and limitations of online communication strategies for global social movements.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.5-40
• /
• 2018

This paper is to take note of national, social and economic movement, social & economic publicness of religion surrounding Yeonggwang, Joennam around 1910s. At first I would like to look at this period because regional society was in the middle of change of large transition before and after Japan's forced occupation of Korea in 1910s and March 1st Independence Movement in 1919. In particular we focus on spatially Yeonggwang in Joennam because this area is not only called as advent area of Buddhism earlier but also is unique regional culture and ideological topology where Donghak, Protestantism, Catholic, Institute of Won Buddhism and etc. Through casting light upon the above, it is expected to offer one clue for the question of internalizing value to be sought for in the national and social and economic movement by Korean religion around 1910 and public goods in the strategy and tactics to be selected and further publicness and practice lying in their awareness and behavior. In particular it is thought to have advanced the accumulation of case study of Yeonggwang in Joennam with representative 'place-ness' related to this. Along with this it is considered that our challenge is to restore and casting light again on common foundation of existence shape and publicness of various religions in the middle of national and social movement and economic movement in Yeonggwang of Joennam area. In other words, we expect that religions will continue individual efforts and common practices to urge social justice for historic and public value based on common good encompassing historic value, in other words, individual responsibility and social justice among social and economic conditions originated from Japanese colonial era.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.149-180
• /
• 2023

This article explores religious responses to significant cultural and social change in a northern Vietnamese delta village from 1996 to 2008-the second decade after de-collectivization. Drawing upon extensive fieldwork in both the village and surrounding religious networks, the article teases out the meanings of the new religious movements for northern rural people in the new era of market economy; the symbols, language, and metaphoric resources people used in response to their uncertainty and mistrust of the new social landscape; and the unintended consequences of rapid societal development such as marginalization, tensions, and social disintegration. The article argues that as in milleniarism elsewhere, new religious movements in northern rural Vietnam embody unorthodox syncretism between world religious and local traditions, thus linking past, present, and future. However, when drawing upon a common reservoir of memories and experiences to cope with risks and challenges of the new market world, local people not only drew on the power and imperial metaphor of deities in their traditional religion and belief, but became more creative to recuperate meanings, standards, and symbols from revolutionary discourse to reorient themselves, and overcome alienation and marginalization.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.19 no.1
• /
• pp.8-30
• /
• 2020

Most literature on the "comfort women" social movement focuses on the case of Korea. These works tend to transpose the meanings generated by South Korean organizations onto the transnational network, assuming certain homogeneity of repertoires and identities among the different social actors that comprise this network. Even though there is some degree of consensus about demands, repertoires, and advocacy strategies at the international level, does this same uniformity exist at the national level? In each country, what similarities and differences are present in the laboratories of ideas, relationships, and identities of social actors in the network? Symbolically and politically, do they challenge their respective societies in the same way? This article compares this social movement in South Korea, China, and Taiwan. My main argument is that the constitutive base for this transnational network is the domestic actions of these organizations. It is in the domestic sphere that these social actors reinforce their agendas, reinvent their repertoires, transform their identities, and expand their submerged networks, allowing national movements to retain their latency and autonomy. Following Melucci's relational approach to the study of social movements, this research is based on a qualitative analysis of institutional documents, participant observation, and open-ended interviews with members of the main social actors.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
• /
• v.1 no.4
• /
• pp.268-291
• /
• 2014

Social media is becoming more and more important in social movements. This study, adopting the web mining approach, attempts to investigate how social media, Facebook in particular, functioned in the "May 25 Protest" and the "May 27 Protest", two movements which broke out in Macao on 25 and 27 May 2014, respectively, against the Retirement Package Bill. In the two protests, Macao residents deployed Facebook to share information and motivated people's participation. Twelve events (181,106 people invited) and 36 groups/pages (41,266 members) related on Facebook were examined. Results showed that the information flow on Facebook fluctuated in accordance with the event development in reality. Multiple patterns of manifestation, such as video of adopted news or songs, designed profile (protest icon), original ironic pictures, self-organized clubs by undergraduates and white T-shirts as a symbol, among others, appeared online and interacted with offline actions. It was also found that social media assisted the information diffusion and provided persuasive reasons for netizens to join the movement. Social media helped to expand movement influence in providing a platform for diversified performances for actions taken in a protest, which could express and develop core and consistent movement repertoire.