• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.429-465
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• 2019

This paper analyzed the ways in which "others" were reproduced in Korean movies in the 1970s. In the midst of the social changes of the era, such as urbanization due to rapid industrial modernization, many people became laborers for industry in order to obtain the fruits of modernization.But the landscape of others, which was inevitably produced in the process of constructing such subjects, has been limited to analysis that is focused on gender and youth discourse. This article aims to extract the landscape of others in the 1970s by adopting a different perspective. The way in which the other is present can be divided into the following two categories. First, in 1970s film, the family community, in contrast with 1960s film, has disintegrated and cracked, due to the inability of others to enter or leave the community. The desperate perception that the family community can no longer function as a stable foundation or center of the constitution, and that it cannot have a sense of security and belonging,is revealed through the way the others are wandering in and out of the community. Second, 'Death' is an element of social life in the violence of the national ideology of the 1970s, and the everyday exceptional state. The way in which the 'other' is completely eliminated from the normal subjectivity requested by the state and is deported in film reflectshow everyday death or potential death is part of life of the 1970s. Normal life pursued through rapid urbanization and industrialization leads to the death of the other beings, but the way of existence of others is the desperate reality of the 1970s, when the boundaries of the state that provide stability and belonging are broken. As a result, the landscape of others in the 1970s reveals a violent reality that destroys the perfect middle class family discourse that industrial modernization was oriented around in the 1970s, and that produced masses of others who caused numerous deaths. In spite of regime censorship, Korean films were popularly revealing the violence of life brought in by the 1970s, following a detour of representation.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.31-68
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• 1990

The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.36
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• pp.183-203
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• 1998

The wave of Avant-garde swept away all in the unique social background so called 'October Revolution' and the early 1900 Russian society which was able to absorb and accept anything. The Russian avant-garde has been affected by the Cubism and the Futurism those had peculiarly appeared in the early twentieth century, spreaded out to three spheres: the Suprematism, the Rayonism and the Constructivism. The Russian Constructivism has appeared in this background, concretely and ideally ex-pressed the ideology of the revolution into the artistic form and made an huge influence to the whole Russian society. The Constructivist like Tatlin, naum Gabo, Pevaner, Rodchenko, Stepanova, Popova and Exter gave great effect on the Soviet Constructive fashion design in 1920's after the Revolution. The Soviet costume in 1920s hold in common the characteristicss of the Constructive graphic as it is, geometrical and abstractive form, energetic and motility. In fashion design, these graphic qualities have been showed as the application of geometrical form and architectural image, physical distortion and transformation. And in textile design, the simple, dynamical presentation has been appeared. We can classify the Soviet costume at this time into three occasions. The first term is from late 1910 th mid 1920, and it is altered from folk costume design to modern one. With Lamanova as the first on the list, using the folk mitif, the Constructive expression of simple form has been gradually revealed in design. Designers like Makarova, Pribylskaia and Mukhina produced the plane, simple chemise style with the decoration of the Russian traditional motif. From early to late 1920 is the second term, and it is at the pick of the most active processing of the Constructive design. Not only at the costume in daily life but also at the theatrical costume and textile, the con-structive design has been represented all avail-able fields. Many Constructivists including Stepanova, Popova, Exter and Rodchenko took part in the textile design and costume design so as to evlvo their aesthetic concept. The third term is from late 1920 to early 1930. The socialistic realism has dominated over the whole culture and art, the revolutionary dynamic motif has been presented also in textile design. The formative features of Soviet Constructive fashion design are; silhouette, from, motif, color and fabric. The first, the silhouette : a straight rectangular silhouetted has been expressed through the whole period and a volumed one with distorted human body shape has introduced in the theatrical costume design. The second, the form: many lengthened rectangular forms have been made at beginnings, but to the middle period, geometrical, architectural forms have been more showed and there are energy and movement in design. At the last period, only a partial feature-division has been seen. The third, the motif; no pattern or ethnic motif has been partly used at beginnings, a figure like circle, tri-angle has gradually appeared in textile design. At latter period, a real-existent motif like an airplane has been represented with graphing and simplicity. The fourth, the color ; because of insufficient dyeing, neutral color like black or grey color has been mainly covered, but after middle term, a primary color or pastel tone has been seen, contrast of the fabric; without much development of textile industry after the Revolution, thick and durable fabrics have been the main stream, but as time had going to the last period, fabrics such as linen, cotton, velvet and silk have been varously choesn. At the theatrical costume, new materials like plastics and metals that were able to accentuate the form. The pursuit of popularity, simplicity and functionalism that the basic concept of Constructive fashion is one of the "beauty" which has been searching in modern fashion. And now we can appreciate how innovative and epochal this Soviet Constructive fashion movement was.ement was.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.22
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• pp.195-223
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• 2005

The Younsijo is a stream of Korean poem. not simply an aggregate of stanzas, but an organic structure. Younsijo was an appeared in the 16th century. The 16th century was focused on the literature of Sadaebu (noble family, 사대부). And the make an appearance is Danhyungsijo (simply-sijo, 단형시조), Yonsijo and Kasa(가사). In that case, a social stratum is why does singing each other form. The 16th century set metaphysics(성리학) as the national ideology. Metaphysics became most prevalent at the end of the 16th century. Yonsijo also appreared during the 16th century and was closeiy related to the idea of metaphysics. Both Younsijo and metaphysics were formulated by noble family, The Yonsijo was Formed in 16th century. And the 17th century was succession. The Yonsijo in 16th century is devide to Kanghosijo (강호시조) and Hunminsijo (훈민시조). Also, Kanghosijo is devide to Youkgaline Younsijo (육가계 연시조) and Sasigaline Yonsijo (사시가계 연시조). Hunminsijo used an expressive on the order of Oryoun(오륜). Therefore, this study is forced on , , and . These things, all of the end of the utility. This paper deals with Danhyungsijo and Kasa with main emphasis on works of Songgang(송강) Jungcheol(정철). The reason for dealing one writer's works is the discussion needs consistent standard. In analyzing Songgang's Danhyungsijo, Younsijoand and Kasa, one would discern the differences among three. As a result, one could conclude that both Danhyungsijo and Kasa mainly projects individual's emotional esthetic feeling, particularly, Danhyungsijo for emotional implication, and for in-depth emotional revealing. Younsijo were chosen as it supplements the shortcoming of Sijo(as it consists of three-line only) to effectively contain the ideas of metaphysics.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.28
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• pp.153-179
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• 2011

Korea has been a victim of State supporting terrorism by North Korea even before international society realize the terrorism threats because of 9.11 in US. However, state supporting terrorism against South Korea by North Korea went along with East/West Cold War System by US and the Soviet Union. It is because socialism that Kim Il-sung who established a separate government in North Korea with the political, economic, social and military support of the Soviet Union selected as his political ideology justifies terrorism as the tool to complete the proletariat revolution. North Korea's state supporting terrorism is being operated systematically and efficiently by military of North Korea. It gives big worries to international society not only by performing terrorism against Korea but also by dispatching terrorists and exporting terrorism strategies to the third world countries. In this situation, terrorism against Korea has met a new transition point at 9${\cdot}$11 in US. As South Korea is confronting North Korea and the war has not ended but suspended, the alliance between US and Korea is more important than anything else. Because of this Korea decided to support the anti-terrorism wars against Afghanistan and Iraq of US and other western countries and send military force there. The preface of the anti-terrorism war has begun as such. On October 7, 2001, US and UK started to attack Afghanistan and Taleban government in Afghanistan was dethroned on December 7, 2001. US and western countries started a war against Iraq on March 20, 2003. On April 9, 2003 Baghdad, the capital of Iraq fell, and Saddam Hussein al-Majid al-Awja government was expelled. During the process, the terrorism threat against South Korea has expanded to Arab terrorists and terrorism organizations as well as North Korea. Consequently, although Korean government, scholars and working level public servants made discussions and tried to seek countermeasures, the damages are extending. Accordingly, terrorism against Korean companies in overseas after 9${\cdot}$11 were analyzed focusing on Nation, Region, Victimology, and Weapons used for the attacks. Especially, the trend of terrorism against the Korean companies in overseas was discussed by classifying them chronologically such as initiation and termination of anti-terrorism wars against Afghanistan and Iraq, and from the execution of Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein al-Majid al-Awja to December 2010. Through this, possible terrorism incidents after the execution of Osama bin Laden, the leader of Al-Qaeda, on May 2, 2011 were projected and proposals were made for the countermeasures.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.38
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• pp.65-101
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• 2018

In the late Joseon Dynasty, patriarchal ideology became central to the family and the clan, and once again became acutely felt with "the familism of clan rules that centered around a legitimate and eldest son." The establishment of the family-clan system, though somewhat complex, was largely aimed at the family line of "a paternalist-a legitimate and eldest son." The trend was not limited to a particular family, but rather, was a historical and social trend. Changseonggameirok showed how to solve the family crisis by setting up a problem for the next generation's patriarch. This paper tries to explain the issue of Hwachun's complex as the legitimate and eldest son complex. First, it suggests that Hwachun's complex is as universal as the Cain complex, also known as the eldest son complex, and that Hwachun's complex is a special instance of the legitimate and eldest son complex in Changseonggameirok. Next this paper studies the aspects of Hwachun's legitimate and eldest son complex combined with Mrs. Sim's complex, as well as her daughter-in-law's complex, and eventually tracks the development of the family-clan complex. As a result, we've come to a new conclusion that the legitimate and eldest son complex was found in Changseonggameirok for the first time in Korean literary history. This paper also examines the fact that when the legitimate and eldest son complex was transferred to Hwajin, it became a family complex that Hwajin had to contend with; this paper tracks the process wherein Hwajin's filial piety solved the legitimate and eldest son complex. As a result, we realized that Hwajin's filial duty and brotherly love went beyond his feelings for Mrs. Sim and Hwachun, and supported the substantiation for "the familism of a clan that is based on rules of the legitimate and eldest son" in the course of public opinion. However the familism of these rules was not embodied in the absolute; in the royal family, for example, it was rather flexibly implemented when the characters admitted to breaking the law. In addition, this paper provides the room for a critical reading of Changseonggameirok, reflecting back on the underlying guilt and psychological pain of the characters who are affected by the particular rules, and concluding that guilt and suffering are fundamentally insoluble. This is because the two ideas, "the legitimate and eldest son complex" and "the familism of a clan rules centered on a legitimate and eldest son" are two sides of the same coin.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.243-271
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• 2016

When an aggressive war reached at the climax in 1940, a commemorative event called celebration' was held on a large scale in Japan for 'beginning former 2,600 years. It was performed for the policy that was going to break off the fatigue that was tired for nation dissatisfaction and war for the politics. I considered Urayasu-no-mai Dance played as part of a celebration event in a Shinto shrine of the all over Japan how was created and spread by this article Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created newly and was played in Shinto shrines of the whole country. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created based on Gagaku and Miko Mai (shrine maiden's dance) that has been read aloud not to go out of the ancient times. It was created in the situation of the war and spread and was spread. It will be said that Urayasu Dance is a typical example of 'forged traditional'. Urayasu Dance is a tradition made at modern time and remains for an unfortunate inheritance used again by the advertising tool of the national ideology. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance is expanded more now, without enough consideration about the historic procession other words, It played under a strong-arm society atmosphere is placed as new folk performing arts all too soon. In the complicated world situation at the time, Urayasu-no-mai Dance that emphasized a Japanese tradition for the inside and outside were spread. Urayasu-no-mai Dance created in modern times substitutes a traditional shaman dance, and there is even the tendency that ritual performing arts peculiar to each local Shinto shrine is unified to Urayasu-no-mai Dance. Such a movement shows a new aspect of the culture power that social turning to the right in Japan is not unrelated to becoming it. It is a traditional reinvention, or do you forge the tradition? I examined a process of a process and the spread of traditional creation produced consistently.