• English & American cultural studies
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.73-97
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• 2010

Representation of destitution may be considered as an expression of a social desire toward forging a bond or solidarity with the impoverished. However, political and ethical demands of the solidarity force the formulaic framework structuring the form of representation to its limits. The thesis aims to examine the responses to such demands within the tradition of modernist literature that can be traced from Charles Baudelaire, Knut Hamsun to Franz Kafka and that somehow culminates with Samuel Beckett, and to analyze how the issue of destitution that weaves through Beckett's works criticizes and inherits such a heritage. Whereas destitution in 19th century Realism is structurally fixed and its potential for change is inherently excluded, for these writers, destitution is no longer the state of rigid reality in which any possibility is limited. It is destitution as an imperative that calls for exploitation of possibilities that can be recuperated from the impoverished condition of destitution. What these writers consistently resist against is destitution that leads to compensation and reward. Since occupying a superior position toward the other as the subject of description or sympathy can be seen as one form of profit or reward, they have persistently pursued absolute solitariness and austere conditions rather than prematurely simulating a sense of solidarity and community. The ultimate goal of destitution as an imperative is to pursue destitution in order to worsen it by identifying and then excluding and expending possessions and assets to a state of penury. This is a paradoxical process that opens up the realm of possibilities of destitution and redefines it as abundance and wealth. Destitution for Beckett as seen in the writers above is the objective of literature. But, what he focuses on is to amplify the shreds of economic world that still remain in a state of poverty and to reveal extreme poverty as a state of odd affluence and to transform it into a pursuit of accumulation and profit. One of his famous axioms, "less is more", contains the essence of such a paradoxical strategy. In a sense, such approach is a twist on the strategy that identifies and uses any remaining potential hidden in destitution as was pursued by other writers. It also expands on the imagination of the destitute described by Hamsun. But Hamsun and Beckett are diametrical opposites. Unlike Hamsun, Beckett does not link imagination with a sense of guilt. Imagination is not intended to overcome the destitute reality nor to culminate in artistic martyrdom as in the case of Kafka's hunger artist. The imagination of the impoverished in Beckett is simply a hilarious game and not an escape that ends in a sense of guilt. This game formulates a "rhetorical question" or derision at the ironical situation where the pursuit of hunger and art as the disinterestedness has been turned into symbolic capital. It is inherently a fundamental critique at the aestheticization of destitution that has been pursued by Modernism. Beckett's efforts at divulging falsehood inherent in non-profit acts such as charity, donation and hospitality are dissections of social fictions in which aestheticization of destitution remains a part of the whole.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.16
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• pp.71-103
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• 2013

This paper explores the key figure of minjung misul ("the people's art"), Kim Bongjun, and the art collective Dureong in the relationship between 'dialogue' and the dissidents' structural critique of Korea's modernities. During the 1980s' prodemocracy movement, the minjung artists and other dissident intellectuals used the notion of dialogue as metaphor for and allegory of democracy to articulate not only Koreans' experience of modern history, which they saw as "alienating" and "inhumane," but also the discrepancies between Koreans' predicaments and their political aspirations and their working toward the fulfillment of those ideals. Envisioning alternative forms of modernities, Kim Bongjun and other Dureong members paid attention to the fundamental elements of art, which consist of art as a modern institution, as well as the everyday lives of people as the very site of Koreans' modernities. They endeavored to create "art of life," which presumes its being part of people's lives, based on the cultural and spiritual traditions of the agrarian community. They also participated in the national culture movement, the minjung church, and the alternative-life movement to radically envision everyday lives through the indigenous reinterpretation of democratic values. Despite the significant role played by the church mission and its community involvement, its effects on minjung misul have received little attention in the relevant studies. Thus, I consider in particular the minjung church's and the alternative-life movement's confluence of multiple cultural and social constituencies in relation to Kim and the Dureong collective's vision of a new art and community.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.49-76
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• 2009

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the critical communication studies and Journalism focused on the neoliberalism in Korea. The majority of social member in Korea does not know the concept of neoliberalism, and just recognize it as a 'global standard.' This essay is analyzing Korean journalism which causes this phenomenon primarily. Nonetheless, the critical communication studies was negligent in criticism on journalism. Any research paper in was not analyzed the connection between neoliberalism and journalism At last this essay proposed that the critical communication studies should establish their identity themselves to critically analyze the journalism trying to protect the neoliberalism in one way, and become more critical to the press itself to raise the relationship with journalism spot.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.498-513
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• 2010

This paper aims to critically discuss the place-marketing strategy that has been widely seen as an alternative way of regional development for the last decade in South Korea. In particular, it argues that the place-marketing strategy is highly likely to intensify the inter-local or inter-urban completion and to result in the territorialization of places because it is based on the essentialist notion of place that has been suggested by the humanistic geographers. In order to logically support my argument, I will critically review the essentialist notion of place, and introduce an alternative notion of place, in which the place is seen as socially constructed through complicated power relations and social, political and cultural processes. Also, I will logically demonstrate that the place-marketing can be seen as a strategy for territorializing places by discussing how territory is socially and politically constructed as a particular form of place.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.31-66
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• 2011

The main issue in Korean debates over genetically modified (GM) foods have been government's responsibility to guarantee consumers' right-to-know and make informed choice. Counter-experts' critique over the current regulatory processes based upon substantial equivalence have not been widely publicized. Through interviews and textual analysis, this paper explored three groups' performances in Korean GM food controversies-regulatory scientists, civil society organizations, and counter-experts. Analytic focus was made upon how each of the groups interact with current GM food regulations. While making conflicts with regulatory scientists and their 'discourse of compliance with global standards,' counter-experts were excluded from regulatory processes. This article suggests that the processes and contexts in which counter-experts failed to form strong alliance with other groups need to be examined in order to further understand the specific contours of Korean GM food controversies.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.5-44
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• 2013

This essay offers a historically based critique of the idea of "alternative modernities" that has acquired popularity in scholarly discussions over the last two decades. While significant in challenging Euro/American-centered conceptualizations of modernity, the idea of "alternative modernities" (or its twin, "multiple modernities") is open to criticism in the sense in which it has acquired currency in academic and political circles. The historical experience of Asian societies suggests that the search for "alternatives" long has been a feature of responses to the challenges of Euromodernity. But whereas "alternative" was conceived earlier in systemic terms, in its most recent version since the 1980s cultural difference has become its most important marker. Adding the adjective "alternative" to modernity has important counter-hegemonic cultural implications, calling for a new understanding of modernity. It also obscures in its fetishization of difference the entrapment of most of the "alternatives" claimed--products of the reconfigurations of global power--within the hegemonic spatial, temporal and developmentalist limits of the modernity they aspire to transcend. Culturally conceived notions of alternatives ignore the common structural context of a globalized capitalism which generates but also sets limits to difference. The seeming obsession with cultural difference, a defining feature of contemporary global modernity, distracts attention from urgent structural questions of social inequality and political injustice that have been globalized with the globalization of the regime of neoliberal capitalism. Interestingly, "the cultural turn" in the problematic of modernity since the 1980s has accompanied this turn in the global political economy during the same period. To be convincing in their claims to "alterity", arguments for "alternative modernities" need to re-articulate issues of cultural difference to their structural context of global capitalism. The goal of the discussion is to work out the implications of these political issues for "revisioning" the history and historiography of modernity.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.129-147
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• 2008

Since the beginning of her dramatic career, Suzan-Lori Parks has considered digging up and restoring African-American history buried under the dominant white Anglo-Saxon history as her mission as a playwright. In Red Letter Plays, she attempts what Deborah Geis called "canon-critique" by taking canonical work by Nathaniel Hawthorne and casting an African-American character as the main character and describing her oppression as an African-American female. This paper argues that Suzan-Lori Parks accuses the oppressive social system by restoring and representing the history of sexual, economic, and racial exploitation that African-American females had to suffer through the dominant image of body and blood. Parks had to rewrite the history of black female characters on their bodies and in the blood because their bodies have been the ultimate object of revulsion and attraction in the perspective of white male. While abhorring and despising Hester La Negrita's abject body, male characters in In the Blood nonetheless not only exploit her sexually and economically but also impregnate her. Hester resorts to her only means of revolting against this oppressive system; she kills her most beloved son and writes "A" on the floor with his blood. Likewise, Hester Smith in Fucking A, who wears "A" on her bosom like Hester Prynne, which in this case means "abortionist," "saves" her son from the hunters by slitting his throat. Abundant graphic and sensational images written on black female body and in the blood are Parks's dramatic strategy to rewrite the forgotten and hidden history of black women's history.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2016

This paper looks critically, in the light of the Capital Controversies of the 1950s and the 1960s, at the Neoclassical claim that the Funded-Pension system is economically superior to the Pay-As-You-Go (PAYG) pension system. This claim rests crucially upon the inverse relation between the rate of interest and the volume of investment (the investment demand function) and the positive relation between the capital intensity and labour productivity (the 'intensive- form' production function), The Capital Controversies proved that the two relations do not always hold; then, the claim in question loses much of its ground. Further, the absensce of the relations makes plenty room for effective demand in determining the level of income and the volome of employment even in the long period. This positive role of effective demand in the long period highlights the problems of the Funded-Pension system and, at the same time, supports the competitiveness of the PAYG pension system.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.23
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• pp.101-126
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• 2011

The principal purpose of this study is to analyse and critique how precisely the representation of women in the film Retrato de Teresa reconstructs the socio-cultural image of the female in the late seventies of Cuban society. The film of Pastor Vega is obviously an outstanding challenge on the new subject of 'women's liberation' against machismo in the context of the Cuban society. Teresa, the female character, as a socio-cultural image of the Cuban society don't focuses on the declarative and iconic images of the women's role as a revolutionary heroin that had appeared frequently in the films of the sixties, but she struggles for getting more realistic and pragmatic values such as women's emancipation to take rights in daily life. Therefore, the declaration of the emancipation of Teresa against machismo of her husband $Ram{\acute{o}}n$ has the special and symbolic meanings of social role and function of the film in the process of Cuban cultural revolution. The film concentrates on inducing the audience to make new perspectives such as women and gender issues in the daily experience of Cuban society where the machista ideologies and practices characteristic of a patriarchal society. Conclusively the female image of this film does not represent a national heroin, but reflects the women's desire, hope, and dreams in the society. Teresa makes the audience think of representations of the true meanings of the revolution in daily life, the machista ideologies in the patriarchal society, and the women's role and fuction in the Cuban society.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.263-279
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• 2008

Arif Dirlik in Postmodernity's Histories sees the issue of re-ethnicization in the case of John Huang, China's alleged attempt at lobbying the Clinton administration. In this view, Americans with Chinese surnames were suspected by the US Justice Department to be possible spies working for Beijing. Reethnicization here seems to serve the mainstream society in reducing an ethnic minority to a group of aliens operating for their countries of origin. However, re-ethnicization is not necessarily a one-way oppressive operation; it is often made use of by the ethnic minorities in their efforts to adapt to their country of arrival. Haroon and Karim, the protagonists of Hanif Kureishi's The Buddha of Suburbia, are cases in point. They are portrayed as winning social recognition and securing a place of their own within the hostile host society through a strategic use of re-ethnicization, that is, masquerading as 'genuine Orientals.' This study brings to light possible fallacies or misguided expectations concerning the political position of first- and second-generation immigrants. One of the fallacies is found in the racist metropolis, which regards the ethnic minorities as a sort of resident aliens, no matter what immigrant generation the latter belongs to. Another fallacy is found in the kind of postcolonial criticism that automatically regards an anti-racist critique advanced by people like Kureishi as something motivated by a confrontational tactic, that is, an attempt at subverting the colonial power relations. The conclusion of this study is that Kureishi's agenda, as presented in The Buddha of Suburbia, is neither the preservation of an ethnic identity nor the subversion of colonial power relations but survival in the metropolis. On this account Kureish's agenda can be called a micro-politics.