• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.111-124
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• 2015

This study inferred the symbolism of shaman's costume in China from shamanism and types of shaman's costume in Naje, Deokgang-hyun, Guiju-seong, China through field survey. Shamanism in China has complicated aspects due to negotiations with other culture for a long time while maintaining its own consistency based on ethnicity. Symbolism of shaman's costume in Naje, Guiju-seong, China is observed as follows. First, the shaman's costume in China appears differently from every Jangcha in relation to the position of god appearing in Jangcha when Tolosa takes the position of god as a symbol of sex and god. In Naje of China, the most important shaman's costume indicating the position of god has a unique mask for every deity. It communicates that Tolosa wearing a costume appropriate for the god of wine shall become the god in that Jangcha. Second, the shaman's costume in China has something to do with Yin-Yang and the five elements theory of Taoism as a symbol of shamanism visio of the universe and system of reason. Most of Tolosas hosting Naje are men but dress up as women by wearing Nagun looking like a skirt. Nagun is usually red, the color of Yang, which symbolizes that by wearing such costume that takes color of Yang, Tolosa expels an ominous thing by balancing yin and yang and taking god's strong power. Third, Tolosa takes an eight-breadth Nagun, as a symbol of people. An eight-breadth worn by Tolosa in Naje strengthens the spirit of union and fight of the Tujia nationality who live in Deokgang-hyun, Guiju-seong through folk legends. In this course, a symbolic meaning of the national spirit has been provided on an eight-breadth Nagun, a shaman's costume.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.393-413
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• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.33-69
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• 2019

In this article, I would like to pay attention to the changesofShaman's play as a part of examining the process of changeofDonghaeanbyeolsingut. Currently, Shaman's play can be seeninBaekseok2-ri, Byeonggok-myeon, Yeongdeok-gun, Gugye-ri, Namjeong-myeon and Yeongdeok-gun. Among them, ShamanRitual of Baekseok2-ri is short in cycle and easy to see change. InShaman Ritual of Baekseok2-ri, various Shaman's plays suchasJungdodukjabi(중도둑잡이), Wonnimnori(원님놀이), Talgut(탈굿), Mallori(말놀이), Hotalgut(호탈굿) and Georigut(거리굿) areperformed. Shaman's play carried out in Donghaeanbyeolsingut changesevery time it is carried out. Depending on the degree of change, itcan be classified into passive change and positive change. Whilepassive changes are improvisational, aggressive changes areintentional. Shaman's plays are jungdodukjabi, Mallori, Hotalgut, which are the improvisational changes, and the intentional changesare Wonnimnori, Talgut, Georigut. The biggest change in Shaman's play is the disappearance of the Shaman Ritual. The Shaman Ritual is suspended due to lackofpeople, financial difficulties, religious conflicts or rational accidents. Secondly, the period of separation is shortened or shortened. Thiscauses Shaman's play to be dropped or shrunk to change. InShaman Ritual, changes in Shaman's play are variable andcreative. The change due to the intervention of the spectatorsismainly improvisation. On the other hand, the change bythepreliminary plan of the acquaintance is intentional, and the changeis large. The changing factors of Shaman's play are influenced bythedemands of the times and the recognition of the tradition group. Changes in the traditional environment can be attributed to lackofhuman resources, individualism, changes in the workingenvironment and time constraints. At the same time, givingautonomy to traffickers is a major reason for Shaman's playtochange.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.30
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• pp.117-126
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• 1996

This paper is a study on the shaman's costumes which were observed in the ritual of Jae-Soo-Kut held in Seoul. In this study the forms and functions of the shaman's costumes in Jae-Soo-Kut are compared with those of other Korean traditional costumes and differences are identified between them. The results of this study are also compaed with those of the study on the shaman's costumes in Chun-Sin-ut and other Koean traditional costumes. Shaman's costumes have undergone changes with the decrease in the number of believers in Kut resulting from the diffusion of foreign religion the weakening of believers' faith in Kut resulting from the improvement of science and technology and higher education and the invention of new textiles and development of sewing technology. The reasons why the Kut is performed even nowadays are also discussed. Among those reasons firstly Koreans hold to their own folk religions. Secondly the kut has peculiar artis-tic value for Koreans. Thirdly Koreans seek peace of mind through performing the Kut.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.649-658
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• 2013

Various paper ornaments appear in Gut, the rite of shaman in Jeju, and these are frequently called Gime, Gimekijeon or Gimejeonji. Gime are slips of white or colored paper, made to resemble the shape of god and used in the ritual shaman dances of Jeju. These Gime are hung around an altar, fastened to the end of a green bamboo pole, or held in the shaman's hands when they dance. The purpose of the study is to develop textile design based on the formative features of Gime, as a way of using Myth of shaman in Jeju. This study is used Gime made by 'Kim Yoon-Su' Simbang (shaman) who plays a role of Intangible Cultural Assets of The 71th 'Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut'. As a result, it was to develop the Komusaljang pattern, Seongjukkot pattern, Jijeon pattern, Jowoangki pattern and Cheoljjukdae pattern design of Jeju image using Gime that is one of the unique, indigenous pattern of Jeju.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.588-594
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• 2016

The outer clothing of shaman that are put on while performing current gutgeori is lacking in form and composition, diversified with kinds. Above all, name of shaman clothing is not unified, accordingly, there's a big difference from traditional Gutgeori, which was definitely divided in the role of outer clothing of shaman in respect of function and role of Gutgeori. Here, this research attended a site that performed Gutgeori based on the advanced literature research data research and analyzed the state and name of outer clothing by conducting a survey and interview investigation. Survey was conducted during 2 years from 2014 to 2015 classifying Gutgeori of Seoul, Gyeongsang, Honam, Jeju, Chungcheon. Research results are as follows. First, lots of outer clothes were put on along with shamanism type in Seoul, accordingly, names were diversified. Name of outer clothing was not unified by focusing on level of divinity or behavior of Gutgeori, with no consistency being mixed. Second, name was not consistent even the outer clothing of the same type shaman along with the region, sometimes put on in different meaning, accordingly, called in different name. Combination of such name of shaman is determined to be a big reason of lack of accurate information on shaman clothing and genealogy of name of shaman clothing in shamans, as the initial research on shamanism was conducted by folklorists in advance.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.27 no.11
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• pp.1330-1337
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• 2003

According to the way of expression and the ritual procedure, there is a difference in the costume between Jinoggigut in Seoul and Sitggimgut, hereditary dance in the southern part of Joella province. Even though they share the same story, which is to soothe the spirit of the deceased and to listen to the grudge of the remained, the two shaman rituals are slightly different in their costumes. And the characteristics of the costume in Seoul Jinoggigut, and Jindo Sitggimgut are as follows; First, both in Seoul Jinoggigut, a spiritual dance and Jindo Sitggimgut, a hereditary dance, the universal roles of shaman costume, which are generally shown in "gut", are found-build a sacred environment, prepare for the experience of the spiritual world, listen to the grudge of the deceased and wish for God's bless. Second, the shaman costume has a special role to express specific and complex symbols-representing God on one hand, symbolizing the dead on the other. Third, unique symbols are found in the costume of Mangjachoendogut with the formality of the ritual procedure.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.5-12
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• 2000

Jaesuk-koli an important part of the 12 shamanistic rituals, is an accepted buddhist monk's costume. In this paper, the Jaesuk-kori costume and its meaning are studied. The ornaments of shaman's costume differe somewhat from region among individual shamans, but the symbolic meansing are fairly similar. The significance of Jaesuk-kori shaman's costume ar as followed ; First , a Buddhist monk's costume is accpted in the Jaesuk-kori ritual costume. Second, a shaman wears Jangsam (long-sleeved buddhist robe) and Kasa (surplice) in the Jaesuk-kori rituals. Third, the ornament of Sipjangsang objects search for earthly happiness while the rotus flower embroidered on the costume , depicts purity in the heaven world. Fourth, five colors in the Jaesuk-kori costume represented, Yin and Yang of universal harmony. Jesuk-kori ritual costumes signify that traditioal shamanism was accepted and absorbed into Buddhist rituals system.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.496-501
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• 2021

The representation of shamanism or shaman in Korean cinema has changed according to eras. Since the 2000s, shamanism and shaman appear more frequently than before as the main subjects and characters in movies. The full-scale exploration of shamans usually takes places in documentary works, such as <'Mudang'>(2002), (2006) and (2011). Shamans are summoned in more various appearences in feature films. In this article, we will compare and analyze the representations of shamanism and shaman in recent Korean occult genre films. (2015), (2016), and (2017) are works that utilize new subjects and visual effect styles that were difficult to see in Korean horror films before. In these three films, the meaning of shaman and gut shows distinct differences from each others. Through the analysis of these films, we would like to explore the characteristics and possibilities of Korean occult films.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.858-874
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• 2020

This study attempts to analyze the social and cultural meanings of the ethnic groups to which different types of shamans belong in Siberia from the appearance characteristics in terms of clothing through Roland Barthes's semiotic theory. The research method here is to analyze three types of shaman costume classified by Holmberg, which are bird-type, deer-type, and bear-type, through theoretical research and to investigate the analysis process of Roland Barthes's semiotics theory. Roland Barthes's approach to semiotics presents an analysis model that can explore the sociocultural meaning of the Siberian shaman costume. The research results are as follows. In the first type, to be closer to the god of the upperworld, shamans transform themselves into birds by decorating their costumes with the characteristic elements of birds such as feathers and wings. In the second type, the shamans' costumes are made of deerskin, and the headdress is shown in the shape of antlers to make it easier to receive messages from the upperworld and run fast in the underworld. In the third type, the shaman's costume is made of bearskin, the head is covered with bearskin, and the body is decorated with bear pendants. Through the power of the bear, the shaman is sent to the underworld to defeat evil gods and remove diseases. Shamans can show their particularity of being a demigod and non-binary gender through clothing. They use this to reflect their authority as a medium of communication between man and god.