• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.32
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• pp.186-218
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• 2017

The ritual food is one of the indispensable elements in rituals of Korean folk beliefs. This is ascertained by the fact that a very simple ritual cannot be practiced and performed even without offering a bowl of water. In this regard, it is properly claimed that food is an essential medium of communications between man and gods if they spiritually meet and communicate each other by way of various rituals in Korean folk beliefs. It is possible to point out Gut, the typical ritual of Korean Shamanism as an example of serving the ritual foods among Korean folk beliefs. One of the striking phenomena in Gut(Korean Shamanism's rituals) is various ritual foods on the tables for Gut. There is no Gut performances without offering ritual foods, and the ritual food in Gut practices is more than just food offering to the gods. Moreover the ritual food tells that what kind of Gut it is and for what purpose it is performed, for whom it is set up. And even the invited gods of Musok are disclosed according to the ritual food in Gut. Also some parts of Musok's worldview are appeared and actualized through the ritual food in Gut. In this sense the ritual food in Gut is one of the important channels for understanding Gut and Musok, and one of the explanation systems about Musok. Even if recognized the importance of the ritual food in Gut, it still has not been draw proper attentions to deserving its importance in the researches on Musok and Gut. Upon the critical reviews on such tendencies of the previous studies this paper tries to clarify the characteristics and significances of the ritual food in Gut by examining the Jinjuk Gut in Seoul area as an case study. On the basis of this examination, the ritual food in Gut comes up to be one of the important paths to understanding Gut and Musok as an explanatory system on Musok in general.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Laryngology, Phoniatrics and Logopedics
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.87-93
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• 2018

Background and Objectives : Laryngopharyngeal reflux disease (LPRD) is relatively common disease. N-acetyl cysteine (NAC) has both mucolytic and antioxidant effect, also may be beneficial in inflammatory airway diseases. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the efficacy and safety of inhaled NAC therapy in LPRD. Materials and Method : We retrospectively reviewed the medical records of 525 LPRD patients at 12 medical centers. Finally 401 patients subjected to inhaled NAC therapy for 2 months were enrolled in the study. We analyzed the change of Reflux Symptom Index (RSI) and Reflux Finding Score (RFS) after use of NAC for 4 weeks and 8 weeks in addition to the patient's compliance of the treatment. Results : The RSI score significantly decreased from $19.87{\pm}6.34$ to $12.78{\pm}6.93$ after 4 weeks and to $10.65{\pm}7.47$ after 8 weeks. The RFS score also significantly decreased from $9.29{\pm}3.4$ to $7.17{\pm}3.41$ after 4 weeks and to $6.1{\pm}3.73$ after 8 weeks (p<0.05). During the treatment periods, 42 patients (10.4%) reported to have 80 episodes of discomfort. Throat discomfort (33%) and nausea (28%) were most common complaints, but the duration of discomfort was usually less than 4 weeks. Conclusion : Inhaled NAC treatment is highly effective for the reduction of both subjective and objective findings in LPRD patients. This study will provide the evidence of new treatment option for patients with LPRD. However, further studies will be needs to assess the real effect of inhaled NAC therapy as a standard treatment regimen of LPRD.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.123-131
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• 2018

Purpose: Cytomegalovirus (CMV) infection is mostly asymptomatic but can be detrimental to certain hosts. We investigated changes of CMV seroprevalence in Koreans before and after the year 2000. Methods: We reviewed laboratory values of patients who were tested for CMV immunoglobulin G (IgG) at Samsung Medical Center, Seoul, Korea, from January 1995 to December 2015. Changes in seroprevalence were analyzed by gender, age, region, and tested year period (period 1, 1995-2005 vs. period 2, 2006-2015). Results: Overall CMV seropositivity was 94.1% (10,900/11,584). There was no significant difference for CMV seropositivity among the two periods (94.2% vs. 94.1%) (P=0.862). CMV seropositivity in the 11 to 20-year age group in period 2 (78.8%) was significantly lower than that of period 1 (89.9%) (P=0.001). The seropositivity of individuals aged 31-40 years (97.4%) was significantly higher than that of younger age groups (P<0.001) and lower than that of older age groups (P<0.001). Of 2,441 females of reproductive age (from 15 to 49), CMV seropositivity was 97% (2,467/2,441). The seropositivity in women aged 20-24-years was higher than that of men in the same age group (97.6% vs. 85.6%, P=0.003). No significant difference was observed among different regions. Conclusions: Overall CMV seropositivity of Koreans was estimated to be 94% and the average seropositivity of reproductive women was 97%. Monitoring of the changes in seroprevalence including the reproductive age group is needed in the future.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.59
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• pp.207-275
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• 2019

This archiving project of the survivors of suicide was done with the survivor supporting team of the Seoul Suicide Prevention Center. The survivor supporting team was operating a Self-help Support Group for the emotional support of the survivors of suicide. A Self-help Support Group is a place for the survivors of suicide to regularly meet and share their suffering by talking of topics hard to discuss elsewhere. As the Self-help Support Group progressed members who acted as the leader of the group appeared. They formed an essay group that writes together. Two fathers who lost their sons, two mothers who lost their daughters, a mother who lost her son, a wife who lost his husband. The essay group met each week in a place facing Sajik Park. Through the windows that took up the whole side of the room, evening was coming in. The things that happened during the day went away towards Inwang mountain following the setting sun. Ten people (six members of the essay group, three from the survivor support team, a historian for unique conversation) sat around a table, facing each other. "Now, what shall we do?" History for unique conversation is a time that archives life by sharing conversations. At times a complete stranger, and other times people who share their ordinary lives sit around together (3-9 people, sometimes about 15). On the table there is coffee, bread, fruits and salads, and sometimes a dish someone heartily prepared. When a bottle of wine is placed on the table, each takes a glass. Morning, afternoon, the time the evening is welcomed in, late night. It does not matter which. For six months, 3 hours when meeting every week, 6 hours when at every other week. A room where the ambience is like that of a kitchen where sunlight enters, or a cozy living room is the best location. However, there are many times when it is held in a multipurpose room in the suburbs where many meetings are held, or in a classroom of a school. The meeting place is decided according to different situations of the time. There are no participation requirements as it is said to be for themselves to write down according to archiving form while looking back their lives thoroughly, and they are the only ones to stop themselves. The archives landscape from far away would seem like trying to do some talking. However, when going into a microscopic situation one must leave themselves to the emotional dynamics. It is because it archives the frustration and failures one experienced through life. A participator of history for unique conversation must face the sufferings of their life. The archiving project took place in 2013 to 2014. Many years have passed. Has the objective distance for archiving the situation of that time been secured? That may be uncertain, but I will speak of a few stray thoughts on archiving while depicting the process and method of operation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.80-99
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• 2012

It is known that there are two Gabong taesil (shrine for King's umbilical cord) of King Danjong, the 6th king of Joseon, remaining today. One of them is Mt. Sogok in Sacheon-city, Gyeongsangnam-do and the other is Mt. Beomnim in Seongju-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do. The academic sector argued about this matter as there cannot be two Gabong taesil for one king. I once argued that Taesil on Mt. Beomnim in Seongju is King Danjong's Gabong taesil and Danjong taesil in Sacheon is the one for Prince Inseongdaegun, the eldest son of King Yejong. At that time, however, I had not examined the archaeological relics found in these places. In result of making an archaeological approach, I have come to the following conclusions :1. King Danjong had two Taesil : Agi taesil(shrine for baby's umbilical cord) and Gabong taesil. The first Agi taesil was created on Taebong of Mt. Seonseok in Seongju on November 26, 1441, but was moved to Mt. Beomnim in Seongju in 1451 to form the second Agi taesil. In 1458, King Sejo eliminated his Taesil. The stone structures of Gabong taesil still remains on Taebong of Mt. Beomnim, so it has been assumed that King Danjong established them during his reign (1452-1455). 2. Taesil in Sacheon has been known as King Danjong's Taesil because of King Danjong's reinstatement during the reign of King Sukjong. His Taesil was repaired with the reinstatement and King Sukjong was mistaken that Taesil in Sacheon was King Danjong's Taesil to fix it. The time of restoration has been assumed to be soon after the restoration of King Danjong's tomb (1699-1719). Taesil is missing the book of records and rails around the stone structure because the tombs of reinstated kings were restored without rails. 3. It is incorrect that Taesil in Sacheon was known as King Danjong's Taesil, It has been concluded that this Taesil was for Prince Inseongdaegun who was born in 1462. I focused on the fact that Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil was in Seosamneung Taesil instead of King Danjong's Taesil. When Yiwangjik stored King Danjong's Taesil in Seoul in 1928 and moved it to Seosamneung in 1930, he found that the epitaph on the tombstone recorded that it was Prince Inseongdaegun, not King Danjong, and created Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil in Seosamneung. I referred to "Taebong", which was created when Seosamneung Taesil was built during the Japanese imperial rule over Joseon, and the relics found in Taesil in Sacheon and Seosamneung.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.86-111
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• 2011

Wan is a tableware in which boiled rice or soup, side dish are put, and it is a representative model which shows the development of personal tableware. From the establishing period of Hanseong Baekje, the form of wan which is Jung-do Style(中島式) Plain Pottery of previous period Proto-Three Kingdoms Period was succeeded to, but wan is produced and used as a wan baked in the kiln, which is far development of the producing technique including hardness and clay. By and large, the size of $0.3{\sim}0.4{\ell}$ was the majority and the production technique of wan which used carefully selected soft quality clay are largely confirmed to be two methods which are, first, basic method by which on a clay tablet on the rotating table, clay band is accumulated and moulding is finished, and second, the new method which had the same basic moulding as that of basic method but in the last stage takes wan off the rotating table and reverse it to trim the bottom and remove the angle of flat bottom. The former, basic production method is the classical production method since wan of Jung-do Style Plain Pottery and wan was produced and used for all periods of Hanseong Baekje. On the other hand, the latter is the production method obtained through form imitation of China made porcelain flowed into through interchange between Baekje and China, and through comparison with Chinese chronogram material it is estimated to have been produced and used after middle of 4th century. Therefore it can be known that the Baekje people's demand for China made articles was big and imitation pottery was produced and used with Baekje pottery. In addition, bowl with outward mouth are confirmed in multiple number in Lakrang(樂浪) pottery wan and it is assumed that wan was the form produced under the influence.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.4-15
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• 2012

Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.212-228
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• 2013

Stone cultural heritages are repaired by the use of metal stiffeners. The problem is that this type of repair has been based on the experience of workers without specific guidelines and has caused various problems. This is to suggest the structural reinforcement and behavioral characteristics of metal rods to minimize the secondary damage of materials and have the specimens tested and verified to establish the guidelines on how to insert metal stiffeners. When only epoxy resin is applied to the cut surface, only 70% of the properties of the parent material are regenerated and it is required to structurally reinforce the metal stiffener for the remaining 30%. The metal rod is under the structural behavior after the brittle failure of stone material and the structural behavior does not occur when the metal stiffener is below 0.251%. When it accounts for over 0.5%, it achieves structural reinforcement, but causes secondary damage of parent materials. The appropriate ratio of metal stiffener for the stone material with the strength of $1,500kgf/cm^2$, therefore, should be between 0.283% and 0.377% of the cross section of attached surface to achieve reversible fracture and ductility behavior. In addition, it is more effective to position the stiffeners at close intervals to achieve the peak stress of metal rod against bending load and inserting the stiffener into the upper secions is not structurally supportive, but would rather cause damage of the parent material. Thus, most stiffeners should be inserted into the lower part and some into the central part to work as a stable tensile material under the load stress. The dispersion effect of metal rods was influenced by the area of reinforcing rods and unrelated to their diameter. However, it ensures stability under the load stress to increase the number of stiffeners considering the cross section adhered when working on large-scale structures. The development length is engineered based upon the diameter of stiffener using the following formula: $l_d=\frac{a_tf_y}{u{\Sigma}_0}$. Also, helically-threaded reinforcing rods should be used to perform the behaviors as a structural material.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.112-129
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• 2011

This paper was written to understand, through the types and production techniques, how cooking vessels of Baekje Hanseong period had evolved, - the cooking vessels that were excavated from the historic sites of Baekje Hanseong Period such as Mongchontoseong and Pungnaptoseong of Seoul, the ancient tomb group of Seokchon-dong, and Misari historic site of Hanam. First, the results produced through the analysis of types of these cooking vessels are as followings: as for deep bowls, the maximum body diameter is found on the top of pottery, while as for an egg-shaped pottery, the maximum body diameter is found on the middle height of pottery. However, as for the rim diameter ratio to the neck diameter ratio of pottery, the said two typed potteries were shown to have smaller ones. In consideration of each historic site, as for deep bowls, the ancient tomb group of Seokchon-dong had potteries that had less volumes, were deeper, and had higher maximum body diameters. When it comes to an egg-shaped pottery, Pungnaptoseong had the potteries that were deeper than those of Misari historic site, and their potteries also had the maximum body diameter found on the middle height of pottery, and larger rim diameter ratio to the neck diameter of the pottery. The results produced though the analysis of the production techniques of these cooking vessels are as followings: in the case of deep bowls, as the width of a volume category gets larger, the pottery stamping with an anvil including patterns was more frequently used for pottery production. In this case, simultaneously braid patterns were frequently found on the outer sides of these potteries. In addition, it was found the basal walls of these potteries were thinnest in all typed potteries. This shows there occurred technique transitions according to the time flow. When it comes to an egg-shaped pottery as well, the pottery produced by using an anvil had the thinnest basal wall and its rim diameter ratio to its neck diameter ratio was smaller. Also around the mouth of this pottery, traces were found on its front, the traces formed by the strong rotating power. It is determined these two typed potteries were all produced by using an anvil to have thinner walls. Then, how these potteries were used? In the case of deep bowls, liquid food was put on a hearth or ground to be cooked whereas in the case of an egg-shaped pottery, the pottery was put on a puttumak(kitchen stove) mainly for boiling water. The deep bowls and egg-shaped potteries excavated from the center areas of Baekje Hanseong Period were not clearly determined about when their pastes or firing times were, but as for their production techniques, it was possible to check how they had developed. Moreover, it was determined that in the changing aspects of their production techniques, temporalite is also reflected.