• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-11
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• 1979

This is a study on angels' costumes in religious paintings, especially as this relates to the questions of concepts and theological symbolism. Angels, as spiritual creatures in Christian thought, play the role of praising God's glory, as messengers of God, the role of guarding Israel and the Church, and protecting or punishing human beings. Sometimes the angels appear in incarnate form. They display no sexual differences and are not able to procreate. The angels' funtional classification being thus; nevertheless, they are pictured in various costumes and appearances according to characteristics of the paintings. The angel Michael appears as a man of dignity when pictured as a guard; the angel Gabriel in the annunciation is often portrayed as a woman of mystical beauty. Under the Renaissance, the mighty cherubim and seraphim at Yahweh's throne are degraded as plump child-angels, or winged child-heads looking alike Eros or Cupid. They have become playful and all too obviously non-heavenly chrubs, accepted features of the Temple decorations. However, cherubim are often depicted as naked or wrapped around with a piece of cloth and accompanied with wind, which symbolizes the Glory of God. The angels, costumes without seam are hung over or wrapped around the body, and when sewn they are simple and ample enough that they fall in a great many folds. However, by the 14C. angels are mostly dressed in costumes common to all Europe, and after that angels gradually appear in folk costumes; for example Italian, Flemish, etc. Dalmatic, the typical costume of Byzantine often shows up as angels' dresses even after the period. Originally the dalmatic was the Roman tunic to which Eastern influences added. The Roman clavus on the tunic had gradually lost distinction until, by the Imperial epoch, it was worn by the lowest servants. It was proudly therefore, as 'The servants of God', that the early Christians are shown wearing the clavus on their wide, ungirdled, sleeved dalmatics. In addition to their costume, angels have some other distinct charateristics. First, angels have a halo around their head; this symbolizes their holiness. Second, angels wear a narrow diadem or a queen's crown that seems to denote their glorious status close to God's throne. Third, the cloth band across the breast resembles a priest's stole, which suggests the sacred role of a priest and symbolizes the grace santified. Fourth, lilies in the annunciations are symbols of Mary's virginity. chastity, innocence and heavenly bliss. Angels hold palms or olives in their hands. The former denote prosperity. beauty and the Christians' reward after death; the latter represent peace and amity. the imperial crown made of olives means victory. Fifth, angels in paintings always have a pair of wings, which can be traced to scripture where cherubim and seraphim are described as having pairs of wings. Angels' wings often have colors of the rainbow, and the rainbow is compared to God's glory. Sixth, generally artists paint angels' costumes as white, blue, green, gold and purple. Other colors such as red rarely appear. According, to scriptures it is believed that angels should be depicted 'as white as snow'. According to the biblical expressions of angels as lightning, sun or a pillar of fire, angels should be described as creatures of light. Nevertheless being a form of art, religious paintings may differ in their presentation according to an artist's inspiration and intention. Since religious paintings illustrated above were almost all done before the Reformation, symbols of colors used in the Catholic Church will also be mentioned. The white color symbolizes chastity, purity, brightness, delight and divinity. Green represents new birth, eternal life, spiritual revival and the expectance of the grace of God. Blue, the color of sapphires, denotes chastity and truth. Red, the color of rubies, represents divinity, love and religious passion. Violet is the color of dignity, indicating the sovereign, royal or imperial power and the great Sacrifice of Christ. As mentionad above, angels' costumes were expressed in accordance with contemporary patterns or as indicated in the Bible, and accesories and colors correspond with Christian symbols. Therefore these facts should be taken into consideration when it comes to the study of costume history.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.34-44
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• 2018

In the Ancient Mesopotamia, Egypt, Judas, Greece, and Rome, Phoenix dactylifera was planted in gardens or orchards to signify life, blessing, and victory. Branches of Phoenix dactylifera, likened to high and precious, were referred to one of the gifts to the king in the second century BC and have been used in the Feast of Tabernacles. And they were engraved on the walls of the temple and along with cherub. Besides, Phoenix dactylifera is compared with a righteous person in the Bible since it grows straight despite strong winds. And, it was used as a symbol of honesty, justice, and right. Churches call the week before Easter Palm Sunday since the crowd laid the leaves of date palm trees on the road and shouted "Hosanna" while waving the date palm branches when Jesus entered Jerusalem. Moreover, pilgrim in the Middle Ages was called 'Palmer' in English due to custom of returning with the leaves and branches of date palm trees as a memorial of the Holy Land pilgrimage. This study analyzes naming issue of Phoenix dactylifera through the old literature and 27 versions of the most influential Bibles in History of Bible Translation in Korea, China, and Japan. Phoenix dactylifera is translated into Chinese as '棕櫚(Trachycarpus fortunei)', a native tree of China. 棕櫚 is similar to Phoenix dactylifera, but its fruit and leaf are quite distinct. This being so, translating Phoenix dactylifera as 棕櫚 has a limit to convey symbolic meaning adequately. In the Japanese Bible, on the other hand, Phoenix dactylifera is translated as 'なつめやし(Natsumeyashi)' meant date palm tree. Most of Protestant Bible in Korea use 'Jongryeo' like Chinese Bible while translation in Korean Catholic Bible(2005) varies from one scripture to another: 'Yaja Namu (Palm Tree)' - 38 times, 'Jongryeo Namu' - 5 times, and 'Daechu Yaja Namu (Date Palm Tree)' - 3 times. Date Palm Tree, 'Jongryeo Tree', and Palm Tree don't grow in Korea. However, they had long been recognized as Haejo(海棗), Jongryeo(?櫚), and Yaja(椰子) respectively through China and Japan. Each of them called by a distinct name correspond with its own characteristic and used separately in Korean Classics as Jongryeo and Haejo were identified in ancient Chinese literatures. It seems that more confusion was raised since 'Palm' was translated as 'Jongryeo' in several books including "?藤和英大辭典 (1915)", "Modern 朝鮮外來語辭典(1938)", and "Latin-Korean Dictionary(1995)". However, the Latin term 'Palmae' is translated into English as either palm tree or date palm. The results of this study suggest that more accurate translation of Phoenix dactylifera in the Bible would be 'Daechu Yaja Namu (Date Palm Tree)' and using different name fit for its own characteristic would be more appropriate.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.47-56
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• 2001

Purpose : Surveying the effects on drop the anxiety of the hospice patients in spiritual nursing intervention with a quasi-experimental design using non-equivalent contrast group non-synchronized design to try in order to give the support which provide a holistic and individualizational nursing to comfort of hospice patients. Method : The results of survey were collected from 67 patients(67 subjects comprised 37 hospice patients of the experimental group and 30s of contrast) who were given hospice care from July to September of 2000 at the General Hospital in Cheon Ju city. The tool was used Spielberger's State Anxiety Scale, and the difference in the level of dropping anxiety among patient groups was analyzed with the mean, standard deviation, $x^2-test$. t-test and paired t-test. The spiritual nursing intervention was carried out through Hymn, Scripture, prayer, the therapeutic use of self over a period of three weeks. Results : 1) In general characters, men were a many more of the objects and the average age of the experimental and contrast group was 59.6, 55.9 respectively. The family of living together was $2{\sim}3$ members of most part. 2) There were not significant differences in the general, disease and therapeutic, religional characters between the experimental and contrast group. 3) The majority of the objects were cancer patients in disease and therapeutic characters(Experimental : 92%, Contrast : 95%). 4) After the spiritual nursing intervention state anxiety of the experimental group were remarkably lower than those of the contrast (t=-5.987, P=0.000). 5) Decreasing rate in the anxiety scores of before and post facto of the experimental group were remarkably lower than those of the contrast (t=6.237, P=0.000). Conclusion : The hospice patients who were offered spiritual nursing intervention became much lower than those who were not offered it in anxiety. Spiritual nursing intervention can be suited to field with one program of an effective that that relieved their anxieties. It is not only a very short time but has quite a little findings in part of spiritual nursing intervention. Therefore, further study in this field is necessary to concrete and substantial investigate in order to more and more increasing hospice patients in 21st century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.379-408
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• 2017

What I wish to show in this paper is the moral educational implication on "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" in a position to consider the alternatives about personality education problems by searching viewpoints on moral training theory on the book. "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" was written by Dasan Jeong-yakyong(茶山 丁若鏞, 1762-1836). In the oriental philosophy, a moral training theory is built on the base of human nature theory. Dasan's moral training theory was also built on his human nature theory. Undoubtedly we could consider that his difference from the moral training theory of Confucianism is reflected in his moral training theory putting stress on practice. Dasan criticized the moral training theory of Confucianism because of its static aspect contemplating mind internally. He stands on the position that the virtue can be come true by the concrete practice. The establishment ground of Dasan's moral training theory is on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說). Dasan didn't consider benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom(仁義禮智) as human nature. He considered that the human nature prefers goodness. So there is no perfect human nature or principle originally to human beings but also directionality to be displayed. We can say that the virtue building by cultivation of directionality get connected to moral training theory. Dasan considered ?The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)? as a practice book for moral training which develops individuals' personality through practice in the reality. He thought that the book cause individuals to follow 'the elementary way(小道)' and to learn 'the elementary art(小藝)' more than academic pursuit. From this viewpoint he showed the practice(行事) of judgment(權衡) by keeping the attitude for the scripture interpretation to pursue the right principles(義理) based on Chinese exegetics(訓?) and the historical evidences(考證) through the whole book. And in the book he suggested the standard of the whole-person education to develop the human nature based on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說), to cognize relationship as an ethical existence, and to pursue the harmony with graphonomy(字學) and Ethics(道學). So we can regard that he realized his practice centered moral education philosophy in the book.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.63-88
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• 2009

This paper was a quest of pattern of holding "Dae Hak - the Great Learning" during Joseon Period having investigated the characteristics of the Essentials of the Studies of the Sages(聖學輯要, Seong Hak Jibyo) that was compiled by Lee I was a reinterpretation of the Great Learning, and also academic enrichment. During the period of Joseon Dynasty, the Great Learning had held the most important position as core scripture in the intellectual society that pursued Seong Hak(聖學, sage learning). Throughout the Joseon Period, the Great Learning was the essential text for the Emperorship Learning(帝王學, Jewang Hak) as well as Seong Hak, and it can also be said that Seong Hak Jibyo compiled by Yulgok - the courtesy name of Lee I, was the comprehensive collections thereof. While compiling Seong Hak Jibyo, Yulgok presented a model of Seong Hak of Joseon, which was based on "the Great Learning". Yul Gok organized the system of "Seong Hak Jibyo" largely in five parts, and properly arranged the Three Cardinal Principles(三綱領, samgangryeong) and Eight Articles or Steps(八條目, paljomok) therein. Particularly, in the Chapter Two, "Cultivating Oneself(修己, sugi)", Yulgok deal with 'being able to manifest one's bright virtue'(明明德, myeong myeong deok) among the Three Cardinal Principles as the core curriculum, meanwhile, Yulgok also covered "Investigation of things, gyeongmul(格物)," "Extension of knowledge, chiji(致知)," "Sincerity of the will, Seongui(誠意)," "Rectification of the mind, Jeongshim(正心)," "Cultivation of the personal life, susin(修身)," among Paljomok(eight steps) as the ultimate purpose of 'Stopping in perfect goodness'(止於至善, jieojiseon) These well preserve the principal system of Confucianism where "Cultivating oneself and regulating others (修己治人, sugichiin)" are core value, and his instructions as such also back up academic validity logically by presenting specific guidelines for practice according to each domain. Reinterpretation of "The Great Learning" by Yulgok in Seong Hak Jibyo is an arena to investigate the characteristics of Confucianism in Joseon Period, which was different from that of China, furthermore, such guidelines might take a role as criteria to understand the characteristics of humans and learning possessed by Korean people.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.123-159
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• 2010

Dongyi (Chinese: 東夷; pinyin: $D{\bar{o}}ngy{\acute{i}}$; Wade-Giles: Tung-yi; literally "eastern 'barbarians'") was a collective term for people in eastern China and in the east of China. People referred to as Dongyi vary across the ages. The early Dongyi culture was one of earliest neolithic cultures in China. According to the earliest Chinese record, Zuo Zhuan, the Shang Dynasty was attacked by King Wu of Zhou, while attacking Dongyi, and collapsed afterwards Dongyi culture was one of the oldest neolithic cultures in China. Some Chinese scholars extend the historical use of Dongyi to prehistoric times, according to this belief, the neolithic culture correlates to Houli culture, Beixin culture, Dawenkou culture, Longshan culture and Yueshi culture, five evolutionary phases. Deliang He, thinks that Dongyi culture used to be one of the leading cultures in neolithic China. The writing system of Dongyi was one of the oldest writing systems in neolithic China. There are opinions that the 20 pictogram characters discovered in a Dongyi tomb (山東?縣大汶口墓葬) in Shangdong indictates some of the characters found, like "旦, 越, 斤, 皇, 封, 酒, 拍, ?", are still used in Chinese characters. There are also opinions that Dongyi people were the inventor of arrows. Some classic Chinese history records like Zuo Zhuan, Shuowen Jiezi, Classic of Rites, all have some similar records about this. [3][4] The legendary god of archery in Chinese mythology, Houyi, could also be a Dongyi leader. Based on archeology findings, Dongyi people's ancestral worship totem is bird-shaped. In the meantime, The fundamental thing that Koreans should do is to find out Korean identy. Koreans cannot achieve their goals unless they enforce politics economics, educations, etc. in harmony with their own identity. However, some people say that Koreans do not have any dentity on the grounds that there is no Korean traditional thought. This view is, however, absolutely absurd because it is impossible for a nation to exist for oner five thousand years without having it's own native characteristics. The most essential thought in Korean identity is Confucius' In(仁). In is originated from Yi(夷) or Yi-jok(夷族)'s heart. On this account, Confucius' In can be a precious thought to Korean people who have been suffering from many problem caused by the absence of Korean identity. If Korean could understand their original characteristics and if Korean couldrealize that their original characteristics are Confucius' In, then our culture and identity recovery of though may maximize efficiency of country and society development.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.191-227
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• 2021

In this study, values of truth and good are expressed in the form of beauty, and truth and good are analyzed from an aesthetic point of view. This enables an assessment of how truth is expressed and presented as an "aesthetic" in Daesoon Thought. Therefore, an approach to faith in Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會) can be presented via traditional aesthetics or theological aesthetics that reflect on sense experience, feelings, and beauty. The concept of beauty in Daesoon Thought which focuses on The Canonical Scripture appears in keywords used in Daesoon Thought such as divine nature (神性), the pattern of Dao (道理), the singularly-focused mind (一心), and relationships (關係). Therein, one can find sublimation, symmetry, moderation, and harmony. The aesthetic features of Daesoon Thought, when considered as an aesthetic system can formulate thinking regarding the aesthetics of 'Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' (天地公事), the aesthetics of Mutual Beneficence (相生), and the aesthetics of healing. The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth contain a record of the Supreme God visiting the world as a human being. The realization that the human figure, Kang Jeungsan (1871-1909), is the Supreme God, Sangje (上帝), is the shocking aesthetic motif and theological starting point of the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. Mutual Beneficence can be seen aesthetically as indicating the sociality of mutual relations, and there is an aesthetic structure of Mutual Beneficence in the harmony and unification of those relations. Healing can be said to contain the sacred sublimation of Sangje, and moderation is a form of beauty that makes humans move toward Quieting the mind and Quieting the body (安心·安身), the Dharma of Presiding over Cures (醫統), and the ultimate value of healing, which is the end point of the Cultivation (修道) wherein one realizes that the ideals of humankind and the aesthetics of healing bestow the spiritual pleasures of a beautiful and valuable life. The aesthetic characteristics of Daesoon Thought demonstrate an aesthetic attitude that leads to healing through Sangje's Holy Works and the practice of Mutual Beneficence (相生) which were performed when He stayed with us to vastly save all beings throughout the Three Realms that teetered on the brink of extinction. It is not uncommon to see a beautiful woman and remark she is like a goddess (女神) or female immortal (仙女). Likewise, beautiful music is often praised as "the sound of heaven." That which fills us with joy is spoken of as "divine beings (神明)" of God. God is a symbol of beauty, and the world of God can be said to be the archetype of beauty. Experience of beauty guides our souls to God. The aesthetic experience of Daesoon Thought is a religious experience that culminates in emotional, intellectual, and spiritual joy, and it is an aesthetic experience that recognizes transcendent beauty.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.53-105
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to clarify the meaning of Gwonji (權智, Authority and Foreknowledge) through the phrases contained in the section, Gwonji of the Jeon-gyeong (known in English as The Canonical Scripture), and to compare the changes that each verse from Gwonji underwent by juxtaposing it against the sixth edition of Daesoon Jeong-gyeong (which was published prior to the Jeon-gyeong) to explore the term's literary meaning. In order to save the world, Sangje descended to human world and performed the Cheonjigongsa (Reordering Works of the Universe) for nine years with the power he exercises over the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. Based on the plan set by the Cheonjigongsa, Sangje's teachings were spread to humanity and provided as the basis for building the earthly paradise. From this perspective, this study demonstrates its significance by providing a comprehensive approach to the Jeon-gyeong by highlighting the subject of Sangje's authority and wisdom as recorded in the section titled Gwonji. There is also value in the variant verses from Gwonji that the study discovered by comparing and analyzing the phrases from chapters one and two of Gwonji as they appear in the Jeon-gyeong with their equivalents from the sixth edition of Daesoon Jeong-gyeong, which was published in 1965, nearly a decade before Daesoon Jinrihoe's publication of the Jeon-gyeong in 1974. The results of this comparative study of parallel passages related to Gwonji are as follows: First, Gwonji can be understood as the authority and wisdom of Sangje, and this is the core element in realizing the Earthly Paradise through His Cheonjigongsa. Second, phrases related to Sangje's authority and wisdom are spread out in the seven sections of the Jeon-gyeong, and they were written to emphasize the main purpose suggested in each section or chapter. Third, in sections other than Gwonji, the great power of Sangje is exercised to treat matters related to deities and social problems, whereas in Gwonji part, it is dedicated to the performance of Cheonjigongsa. Fourth, there are five sections of the Jeon-gyeong which are organized into chapters. All of these sections and their chapters indicate the year when key events transpired. Fifth, when passages from chapter one of Gwonji is compared to parallel passages from Daesoon Jeon-gyeong, there are several verses that vary in terms of their wording and also sentences that indicate a different dates or times for certain events.