• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.245-280
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• 2011

One of the major streams of modern play in Korea is the work of introducing Korea's traditional ritual-'gut' into a play. Such work, together with the stream of diversification of culture, has brought about the tendency to induce 'gut' into a play in a creative way. The research on ritual plays in Korea has been done in the direction of studying the ritual plays in the West centering on the work of theoretically inquiring into histrionic features inhering in 'gut' as a ritual. This research made an analysis of the receptive aspect of rituals and histrionic characteristics presented in Korea plays through "Sanssikgim" and "Ogu" on the basis of the theory of ritual plays established by Artaud. In an effort to understand the receptive aspect of rituals, this research analyzed what forms these Korean works are borrowing from "Ssikgim gut" and "Ogu gut" while analyzing these works differently from the viewpoint of Artaud regarding characteristics of ritual plays. Accordingly, this research made an analysis of the structure and characteristic of "gut" with the aim of understanding in what form "gut" is absorbed into Korean plays by looking at the theatric receptive forms of "gut." The ritual plays in Korea originated in "gut." Likewise, the theater of cruelty by Artaud was greatly influenced by the belly dance stemming from "mudang-gut" in Asia. Accordingly, there is considerably exposed something in common between the ritual play in Korea and Artaud's theater of cruelty. "Gut" in Korea, or ritual plays are a little different from Artaud's work which makes its audience feel unfamiliar in that 'gut' or ritual plays in Korea are pursuing ritualistic quality and playing quality simultaneously, but there exists a similarity between the two in that they both desired to have communication with audiences. This researcher strongly believes that for the time to come, when the receptive aspect of the modern play assuming ritualistic quality is developed using the medium of communication with audiences, purification and play therapy, its direction will be more noticeably exposed.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2005.12a
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• pp.187-220
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• 2005

The purpose of this study is to analyze supporters' community formation motives/ Process/consumption experiences and community characteristics. For this purpose, this study collected the data using ethnographic interview. participant observation, documents and media reports. The results of this study show that supporters communities' formation and diffusion process were influenced by individual characteristics(e.g., personality, hobby and etc.), community characteristics(e.g.,team performance, star player, facilities and etc.) and external factors(ex: media movement etc.) and supporters have experienced various emotions such as intimacy. cohesion, pride and so on through various activities at on-line and off-line site. Community characteristics were classified into we-ness, rituals/traditions, moral responsibility. We found that we-ness influenced emotional dimensions such as joy, pleasure, fun and excitement. rituals and traditions made members feel passion. hope. love and vitality. and moral responsibility provided satisfaction. enthusiasm anxiety. regret and so on. Also, emotional attachment and brand loyalty were increased by these experiential aspects of community consumption.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.43-54
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• 2019

This study analyzed the casula wearing by Catholic priests. By understanding various applications of the priests' wearing of casula, we can understand the meaning of wearing casula, situational judgment, and the role and status of priests. Ultimately, the Catholic symbol and meaning of the casula can be found. The purpose of this study is to examine the basic setting of the casula, the setting according to the status of the priest, and the origin of the casula. Second, this study to understand the design of the pattern shown in the casula. The patterns containing the symbol and the liturgical period were examined, and the method of making the pattern design was considered. Third, various symbols appearing in examples of priests' rituals were considered and analyzed. The method of this study was to utilize various pictures acquired during interviews with priests and nuns and to perform content verification. As a result of this study, the aspects of form, color, and pattern were shown through the wearing of casula during various situations. First, the morphological symbols appearing in the rituals are the simplified casula that hangs on the stola on the top of the alb and the symbols of the form according to the priest's status. In the liturgy, the casula is put on the outermost side as for basic wearing, but in the case of celebration or the attendance at celebrations other than the liturgy, it is the same as simplified wearing. Second, in terms of the symbol and color, the basic colored casulas were worn to match the time and character of the liturgy, and in addition, on the priests' ordination ceremony and celebration day the priests wore white casulas. Third, the symbol of the pattern used in the casula was a Cathoric pattern according to the period in the basic casula wearing of the liturgy. In addition, the patterns were produced by combining the patterns and meaning of the priests that were used in the casulas of the priests' ordination ceremony. The design of the pattern used in the beatification mass casula and the Mass of Peace casula during the Pope's visit to Korea in 2014 used the same motif as the Pope's design, but the simplified pattern was produced for the casula of the Cardinal and bishops. Through this, it is possible to understand the situation where a morphological symbol appears due to a distinction according to the role and status of the priest. This shows that the symbols that appear are the cross and should also consider the complexly, shape, color, and pattern.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.36-48
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• 2016

This paper analyzed the process of modernization in terms of the social structure in Geomundo. Before modernization, social structure in Geomundo was traditional society by a village unit. A village had community rituals and organization. There were independent parallel spatial structure among villages. In the early Japanese colonial period, 'forced modernization' had been occurred by Japanese immigrants settling in a separate living space. The modernization was transplanted in a new established village and diffused into other villages. In the process of forced modernization, the connection among villages was reinforced, as the result of that modern social organization was emerged, and the characteristics of community rituals had been changed. During modernization indigenization period, advanced fishery technology and distribution system occurred capitalist production system helping to place modern norms in the general daily life. In the late Japanese colonial period, aided organizations from local government and informal organizations reversed the trend of modernization through helping colonial exploitation policy. The spatial structure in Geomundo had become to hierarchical structure with intensified connectivity as the result of extensive spread of community territory. Modernization in Japanese colonial period was 'forced modernization' and could not re-established the community spirits. The community spirit has been broken up by dissolving the existing self regulating and self motivated organization.

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.42-49
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• 2005

To determine which are the culturally specific factors of Korean bereavement, this chapter focuses on the view of death and the traditional mourning process which reflect Korean values and norms. The formation of the Korean view and understanding of death has been strongly influenced by three of its major traditional religions: Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism (Park:1994: Hao:1999) and Christianity more recently. Each religion has a different view of death and the appropriate expression of mourning. Korea accommodates funeral customs and rules strictly as a cultural system and has retained these traditions over a long period; hence, some of the traditional funeral rituals still remain in modern Korean life, although some of the rites have been simplified. We have looked at the various ways in which grief and mourning is displayed and shared in a collective manner over a long period of time. This fits in well within the other Eastern cultures that are collectively organized, and contrary to the Eurocentric models do not hastily seek to detach the living from the dead and recognize that grief is a long process, and different individuals may take different amounts of time to recover from the grief. The view of death and bereavement in Korea has sprung from the roots of three Korean religions, together with the recent addition of Christianity, although they mainly result from the three earlier religions. The beliefs of these religions are still closely linked together in the rituals of Korean bereavement on both conscious and unconscious levels. The influence of these religions is evident in practice through the bereaved family's mourning reactions, funeral rites and customs and its views about death. Korea used to have a period of mourning for three years, following traditional mourning rites; then the chief mourner and the bereaved families could return to their normal life. In spite of this long mourning process for the bereaved family, once the funeral ceremony is finished, people expect the bereaved family not to express their grief in public; even the bereaved family does not like to talk about death. The process for bereaved people is related to mourning processes in terms of detachment from the deceased in order to start a new life. Relatives and the community recommend the performance of the kut ceremony for relieving the grief of the bereaved. When one family member dies in an unlucky way, the bereaved family may have some fear or other psychological reactions of grief such as pain, depression, insomnia and nightmares, hallucinations or other physical reactions. Unlucky deaths give the bereaved a very painful time and these types of reactions are often more serious than reactions to natural death. But through the kut ceremony, the bereaved family can start to make a new relationship with the deceased. The taboo of this type of death and death generally remains a crucial aspect of the isolation that bereaved people might face and the collective nature of mourning(even where it is still present) is unable to address this aspect of the privatization of grief.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.212-231
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• 2021

This study examines the types of gods worshiped in the homes of Utsunoya village, the places where they are enshrined, the rituals and food offered to the gods, the decorations during the rituals, and the people's beliefs. Also, by comparing the gods worshiped in houses in remote Utsunoya with those of downtown Shizuoka, the differences and changes in the gods worshiped in the two contemporary spaces were predicted. Today, the gods enshrined in Utsunoya's houses are amatelaseu oomikami (天照大神), ancestor, ebisu, daigoku, kojin, inari, the god of the toilet, the god of land, and the god of water. From December 31st to January 3rd and on January 15th, Obon (July 15th), October when there is a festival at the village shrine, and on Ebisu Day (October 19th and 20th), residents offer drinks and food to the gods. Japanese beliefs at home are polytheistic in nature. They maintain national identity through kamidana and maintain family identity through ancestor worship linked to the Buddhist altar. The Japanese beliefs at home are firmly established in the background of the home, the base of family life. Japanese houses have a strong character as a religious space where they coexist "with the gods," and the residents have a cultural tradition of living with the gods.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.132-151
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• 2009

Gut (Shaman ritual) in the west coast area is consisted to sanyang-geori (hunting), tasal-geori, gunwoong-geori those describe from hunting process to preparing animal sacrifices to a deity. The characteristic of gut in the west coast area which are represented for mock hunting and animal sacrifice ritual is practicing at the sibamasturi in Japan. This paper aims to compare a shaman ritual in west coast area in Korea and Japanese Sibamasturi from the comparative folklore point of view. Gut in the west coast area is well known for dividing sacrificial offering: vegetable for sinryeong and meat for singyeong. This division of spiritual deity shows it has different background from agriculture and hunting culture. Hwanghae-do gut has been formed under the various life environments. Therefore, each stage is conducted according to the purpose of the ritual. Sanyang-geori (hunting) represents the scene of hunting in the mountain and by catching live animals and it refers to Gunwoonsin, and will be offered. Animal sacrifice is a positive ritual which get rid of bad luck and pleased deity. Sibamasturi is practiced in mountain area where most of people involve in hunting and agriculture. Therefore, this area has both agricultural ritual and hunting ritual. Sibamasturi is practiced in January (lunar) and it also has meaning of beginning of agriculture and hunting in mountain area. Ground burnt off for cultivation way symbolizesfire ritual and mock hunting as well as animal sacrifice together. These rituals match to farmers of mountain area in the south-east Asia. The gut in the west coast area and Japanese Sibamasturi have common point that mock hunting and animal sacrifice are practiced at both rituals, however, the structure for these two ritual are different. In other word, there animal sacrifice has been formed with different cultural back ground.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.104-135
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• 2016

This paper aims to consider history and value of the Mingshansi Grottoes, a complex of Buddhist rock sculptures in Anyue County, Sichuan Province, China. Mingshansi Shiku, not that far from Baodingshan Grottoes at Dazu District, Chongqing City, is an important art work of Liu Benzun sect. Even though there are not many niches and sculptures in the Mingshansi Shiku, it was designated as a Major Historical and Cultural Site Protected at the National Level due to its large scale and highly valued art works in it. In the Mingshansi Grottoes there is not any information inscribed on the rockface about when the grottoes were established. Because a stone pagoda, which had information about when and by whom they were established, was collapsed, some scholars considered them to be made in North Song or early Southern Song Dynasties based only on the artistic style of sculptures of the grottoes. The School of Archaeology and Museology at Peking University recently carried out a survey documenting the Mingshansi Grottoes, and thereby the school gives an important material for studying the grottoes. The grottoes consist of a Dharma-protection Warrior niche, a statue of Guanyin and Dashizhi seated together, a standing Mahavairocana statue, a standing Manjushuri statue, a standing Wenshu and Puxian statue, a Turning Dharma-wheel pagoda (轉法輪塔 Zhuanfalunta) of Zhao Zhifeng, the founder of Liu Benzun sect. These statues are considered to be produced by an overall master plan in the Middle or Late Period of the Southern Song. The Shiku is believed to be a site at which Zhao Zhifeng performed some Buddhist rites such as Water and Land Rituals (水陸法會 Shuilufahui). Income of the ritual was also a major part of the funding for establishing large-scale Baoding Shiku at Dazu District, Chongqing City.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.8
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• pp.49-59
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• 2021

Since ancient times, legends and tales have been handed down with a spirituality, shamanistic meaning, and imagination. Among many tales about people and animal footprints that are handed down in various parts of Korea, Changnyeong's 'Munhojang Footprint' is the first case in which the physical evidence(footprints) that the main character has left was identified as a dinosaur footprint. In this study, we performed a scientific analysis based on the basic data collection, distribution pattern of 'Munhojang Footprint', three-dimensional digital recording and visualization, as well as case analysis and humanitic review of footprints in tales and legends. The Munhojang Footprints has long been known as human footprints left in the natural rock due to its shape and preservation status. A new analysis that the Munhojang footprints (composed of 13 footprints) are dinosaur tracks shows social perceptions of the ancient people, characterized by the fear of supernatural beings and the limits of scientific interpretation. Through this scientific and humanistic exploration of Munhojang Footprint that are passed down from generation to generation as legends, pray for peace and well-being of the village through rituals and rituals every year, and have been preserved and managed as practical evidence, it is expected that traditional culture and natural heritage will be linked and mutual value will be enhanced.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.115-128
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• 2022

Soseon means a table setting without meat and fish. It seems to have been influenced by Buddhism and is mentioned in Joseon Dynasty records. This study aimed to investigate the use of Soseon and its relationship with Buddhism in Joseon, which emphasized Confucianism and refused Buddhism. This study was conducted on the Joseon Dynasty Annals database and records of royal food literature during the Joseon Dynasty. In Joseon, Soseon was seen in 186 cases and its cases were found during the early days than the late days of the same Dynasty. It was carried out at funerals for subjects and relatives(61.82%). national ceremonies(21.51%), envoy receptions(11.29%), and auspicious ceremony(5.38%). Meat dishes were replaced by tofu, seaweed, rice cakes, and cookies in the Soseon for national rituals. The table setting of Soseon consisted of a main dish, side dishes, and desserts. A comparison of the Soseon table setting between Gilrye and Hyungrye showed Chae, Gaejang and Dasik belonged only Gilrye table setting. The major food was Noodles, Tang, Chae, Yumilgwa, Yugwa, Dasik, rice cakes and fruits. Soseon menu was cooked flour, tofu, seaweed, shiitake, pine nut, sesame oil, honey, etc. Tofu, flour, and seaweed were referred to in the documents in relation to Buddhism. This study shows that the Soseon is a vegetarian diet form in Joseon affected by Buddhism from Goryeo. Therefore, this study is expected to be used as basic data for the study of Buddhist food culture of royal rituals in the Joseon Dynasty.