• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.50-62
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• 2021

This study aims to unravel the shift in the customary method of disseminating information about the ritual of Perang Topat (literally translated as "rice-cake war") as carried out by the custom community of Kemaliq Lingsar in the West Lombok Regency of Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic. Grounded in the ethnography of communication research methodology, this study examines the process of the cultural ritual during the 2020 period of the pandemic and compares it to the ones held in 2018 and 2019 (before the current pandemic). Drawing on findings from observations, in-depth interviews, and documentation, it was revealed that the traditional or custom-oriented community of Kemaliq Lingsar abandoned all three prominently used methods of disseminating the information of the Perang Topat ritual that had been used prior to the pandemic, and that they were replaced by a strategy with solely face-to-face (FTF) interpersonal communication carried out by visiting the homes of the target participants of the cultural event. This method was relevant to the current viral crisis because it enabled the committee to minimize the number of spectators which might potentially violate COVID-19 health protocols. This finding also reinforces the hypothetical statement that interpersonal communication via FTF is effective in disseminating information in a limited manner and empowering the emotional bond between the individuals who share relationships and similar interests. The findings of the present study can be a reference for any events where physical distancing must be strictly imposed and require a limit to the number of participants during the pandemic.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.379-418
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• 2009

This study is a link in a chain which grope for the description of puppet performance history. This study imply my intention which is not a description of puppet performance 'history' but a description of 'puppet performance' history. Object materials of this study is materials connected with puppet performance from ancient times to Chosun dynasty. Object materials of this study include not only records but also remains and pictures. Discussion start with regulation of puppet performance materials and establishment of a classification criterion. As a result of that discussion, the age of puppet performance is as follows: 'the age of diverse use of puppet', 'the age of ritual puppet performance of worship', 'the age of play puppet performance of handling', 'the age of ritual puppet performance of display', 'the age of ritual puppet performance of expulsion', 'the age of ritual puppet performance of handling', 'the age of play puppet performance of display', 'the age of play puppet performance of handling and voice-acting'. According to the internal division of age, the description of puppet performance history which is spread chronologically is attempted. As a result of the description, I confirm that puppet performance reveal a one's unfolding process. And a distinct aspect from the general cultu! re history is found. The development process which is a changeover that is 'from ritual puppet performance to play puppet performance' is amended by a circulation of ritual puppet performance and play puppet performance'. And the development process which is a changeover 'from static puppet to dynamic puppet' is amended by a circulation of static puppet and dynamic puppet'. Like this the thing which is laid in the inside which is not a one sided changeover but is a circulation is said that from one age of puppet performance to other age of puppet performance is not a close of former puppet performance tradition. Unfolding from one age to other age, on the other hand former puppet performance reveal aspect which is a continuance and change with a one's vitality. And a relation of mutual influence is exist between the ritual puppet performance and the play puppet performance on a large scale, among the puppet performance types on a small scale. this also don't overlook in cas! e of a groping of puppet performance history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.203-215
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• 1995

The funning process in the symbolism of dress can be approached by the semiotics of C. S. Pierce. According to Pearce\ulcorners theory, symbiosis consists of sign, its object, and interpret ant. Especially Pierce classifies the sign into three categories; icon, index, and symbol. The icon is based on the similarity in properties and forms, and the index is based on the actual connection with their objects, while the symbol is based on the association of interpret ant. This classification method can be considered as a theoretical base for symbol of ritual dress. On the other hand, it was discussed the analyzing method of the concept of dress same (symbolic element) by introducing the isolate concept of structuralism for explaining how the symbol reveals itself. So it is discussed the several concepts of structuralism; the concept of relation syntagmatique and relation paradigmatique, the relation binaries, and the units. It would be also necessary to consider dimension of context in addition to dimension of dress itself for the dimension of total symbolic elements of ritual dress. It is proposed that the above developed dress symbol elements should be used for under\ulcornerstanding the society or culture that includes the elements by introducing the symbolic anthropology such as V. Turner's three dimensions of symbol.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_2
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• pp.85-115
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• 2015

The Reordering of the Universe(天地公事) pursuing the Latter world(後天)'s ideal world while denying the Former world(先天) is composed of enormous rituals. The Dosu(度數) is formed through these rituals and the world is transformed according to the Dosu. The people who follow the Sangje(上帝), the subject of this universe reordering and also participate in the Reordering of the Universe are called as the followers. The follower group can be said as a ritual group in the aspect that they participate in the ritual for the Reordering of the Universe. They not only observed the rituals but also actively participated in them, so took certain roles in forming the Dosu. That is, they performed certain, given roles in developing the rituals, or actively proposed their ideas under the Sangje's leadership, and participated in the process realizing the Dosu. Therefore it can be said that they were a group initiatively participating in the process overcoming the Former world's Sangguk(相克) world, and making the latter world's ideal world. It seemed that the followers at that time might have gone through a certain entrance ritual process in order to join in such a follower group. The 『Jeon-Gyeong』 recorded the entrance rituals of a man called as Cha Gyeong Seok among tremendous followers relatively in detail. According to the 『Jeon-Gyeong』, he first had to get a unique test in the entrance process, and the test was proceeded in several stages: the wisdom test reflecting the Sangje's unusual intelligence, the patience test to endure physical, psychological pains for the great ethic, and the test to evaluate the testee's ability to give up past oneself and to follow the Sangje with a new body & mind. In the process separating himself from the past his appearance, Gyeong-Seok, the candidate to enter, faced a liminal situation, and then performed the incorporation rite. In this process, the purification rite going him out of the past relationship of benefits & grudges was performed, and he was given the regulations to comply as a member of the follower group. Through such serial processes, his entrance in the follower group was allowed. What requested to the candidate in this entrance process was the severance from one's past. For that, the candidate was needed to go out of his past life habits, to free from the relationship of benefits and grudges, and to sever him from his past faults. Such severance was the precondition for him to go out of the Former world's negative reality and to break from the Sanggeuk habits. Another thing requesting to the candidate as well as the severance from his past was to establish a new ideal. The new ideal should be matched with the ideal of the Reordering of the Universe whose main ideology was the Haewon-Sangsaeng(解冤相生). Such ideal can be said as the driving force to proceed toward the new ideal world of Latter World. And the candidate was requested to purify his mind and to participate in the Universe Fair Judgement (天地公庭). That can be said as an important condition for the new member directly to participate in the ritual of the Reordering of the Universe dramatically transforming the world. Finally, the candidate was given the regulations for his ascetic practice(修道) as well as his participation in the Reordering, and was requested to comply them. After becoming a member of this follower group, one had to practice his asceticism through the compliance with such regulations and the training of mantras(呪文) in order to accomplish the goal called as Dotong(道通). By fulfilling these requirements, the newly entered member could have the qualification to perform a certain role in the ritual of the Reordering of the Universe, and could accomplish his religious ideal.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.31-44
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• 2000

In this study, we compare and analysis the family rite consciousness and it’s actual conditions between yanbian university students who have lived in different culture and political system from Korean students. Total 645 Yanbian and Korean student’s data was collected in Jun 1998. Statistics methods, Cronbach’α, Frequency, Percentage, $x^2$, t-test are used to analyse the data. The result are follows. First, in view of overall rite conditions, Korean students show more traditional tendency than Yanbian students. Second, in view of ritual process which is sub-domain of overall ritual consciousness Yanbian student keep more traditional attitude than Korean students. Third, Koran students’s score which presents the need of education of rite is higher than that of Yanbian students’s

• Architectural research
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.45-56
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• 2014

The objective of this article, positively recognizing existing researches, is to revisit some aspects regarding the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala with a square grid work which is a fundamental planning guideline to control the construction of a Hindu temple and a mathematical doctrine to lead ritual programs. Hence, this paper suggests some reservations as to certain details such as temple constructions. In order to lay hold on its meaning, this paper touches upon the specific matters about the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala in the building construction of Hindu temples, which set out to shed light on four concerns; first, it explores the formation process of the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala in concert with the evolution of Hindu temples over time; second, it considers differences and similarities in comparison with other texts intimately articulated with the construction of temples, and then understands the relationship between their local languages and applications to the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala; third, it examines the symbolic and sanctified process of the temple's construction on the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala grids with two- or three-dimensional computer graphics (by means of the Auto Cad and Rhino tools), invisibly situating the divinities within it and illuminating the roles of ornamentation in the structural terms of temples; fourth, it presents that there are another rules on the building construction based upon architect-priest's craftsmanship skilled as a stonemason or a carpenter in the manual processes of the temples' construction for proper measurements and truncations of stone and wood closely linked together structural stability of completed temples. In conclusion, proceeding from what has been said above, this thesis shows that the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala grid includes both practical and spiritual meanings to construct a Hindu temple.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.139-151
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• 2014

Storytelling contributes to easy flowing of cultural contents, and cultural original materials offer the creative subjects of cultural content. Now, in Korea, thanks to the Korean wave and etc, new kinds of cultural contents are requested and the demand for the original materials of storytelling has been increasing.A 5,000-year-old history, Korean traditional culture is the storage of the original materials of storytelling that can offer the creativity and the competitiveness, which are able to secure the national competitiveness. Particularly, there are different kinds of cultural archetype materials in the wedding ceremony and wedding costumes. This research, thus, is aimed at providing the subject materials for the cultural content development which are various and interesting by developing the original materials of storytelling on the wedding ceremony and wedding costumes during the Joseon dynasty. In the study for the wedding procedures in the late of Joseon Dynasty, the original sources within wedding ceremony created in the process where wedding customs in Joseon Dynasty and China were compromised are suggested. Further, in the research for the original sources on the wedding costumes associated the wedding ceremony, the original source of storytelling which are showed in a nation and an individual in the process where the wedding ceremony symbolizes the most important marriage one of the fomalities performed in one's life is suggested.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.53-62
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• 2018

Bulcheonwi is determined by various ways. The first is certified by the state. Kings granted posthumous names to figures such as meritorious retainers, figures whose mortuary tablets were put into Jongmyo Shrine, and venerated figures with erudition and virtue whose mortuary tablets were put into Munmyo (Korean primary Confucian shrine The purpose of this study is to understand the spatial perception of Main head families (大宗家) and Sub head families (小宗家) have been divided for several centuries. This study was conducted under the assumption that it was possible to understand the mutual influence and relationship between perception and space by examining how methods for ritual ceremonies held in Main head families were conducted in different spaces of Sub head families or the process of ritual ceremonies changed with space. Bulcheonwi rites was performed by each family's own concepts of spaces such as Jeongchim or Cheongsa For actual ritual space, An-chae, Sarang-Chae and Byeoldang was utilized. This shows that one family's conception and utilization of each space was correspondent also different family s had their own idea of utilizing different spaces. In addition depends on the family in this study, there was differences on positon of Sa-dang upon the regions or time of construction. This can be concluded as familes had their own accommodations depends on building's space layout and traditons rather than following traditional Rites book's the rules of decorum.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.